Al Manaara

2010-08-17T02:39:00.000-07:00

"Somalia" e decreto legge del 1908 n.161.

Diverse persone mi hanno chiesto di mettere in rete il testo integrale della legge con cui i colonialisti diedero il nome “Somalia” al Corno d’Africa. Di fatto con questo nome i colonialisti hanno incoraggiato i somali a prevaricare politicamente, economicamente e culturalmente sui Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle e sui Bantu. Il risultato è sotto l’occhio di tutti: una morte che si respira anche nell'aria. La questione del nome non è di secondaria importanza ed è una distorsione che va corretta se il Corno d’Africa vuole uscire seriamente dalla crisi. Sappiamo tutti che i somali sono pedine di paesi esteri e nel Corno d'Africa non si fa nulla che non sia voluto dall'estero ma cercare l'origine del male è un'esercizio di cui non bisogna mai stancarsi. Qualsiasi nome che non faccia riferimento direttamente o indirettamente a tribù è meglio di quello attuale. Visto che si tratta di un paese islamico le sacre scritture possono suggerire un nome che metta d’accordo tutti gli abitanti. D'altronde questo è un problema comune anche ad altre aree dell'Africa Orientale come potete leggere da questo servizio della BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/somali/war/2010/07/100729_itoobiya.shtml dove viene sostenuto apertamente "Magaca gobolka Soomaalida Ethiopia la iskuma raacsana. ONLF waxay ugu yeertaa Ogadenia, iyada oo raaceysa magacii gumeystuhu u bixiyay ee ku qoran khariidadda caalamka. Soomaalida kale ee gobolkuna waxay u arkaan in magacaasi aanuu mideyn karin qabaa'ilka gobolka oo dhan".

2009-11-26T13:21:00.000-08:00

AFRICA RISING

E' un libro da consigliare a tutti gli imprenditori, piccoli e grandi, africani, europei ed asiatici. Raramente mi è capitato di leggere un tale condensato di ottimismo sull'Africa e sugli africani. Il termine "business" suona male per tante persone ma è un settore che se gestito bene dagli stati, crea benefici, opportunità e posti di lavoro per milioni di persone.
Il professore di marketing Mahajan Vijay ci dice che parlare di Africa solo in termini di guerre, malattie e povertà significa scoraggiare soprattutto i piccoli imprenditori ad investire e rischiare in quel continente. Chi vive o è vissuto in occidente sa quanto sia vera questa osservazione.

Nuredin Hagi Scikei

2008-05-12T11:43:00.000-07:00

During the colonialism period, the European politicians removed the Banaadiri from the power and gave their land, Banaadir, like a gift to the Somaly tribes: it is an open wound.

Some fragments of our history you can find in:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4W0PEoM-Gis

I agree that my English is awful, but I'm sure that my message will fly high, strong and will go far.

Nuredin H. S. Abati

2008-04-19T15:19:00.000-07:00

The Art of Healing
Written by Soni Martin
Monday, 14 April 2008
http://upandcomingweekly.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=67&Itemid=27

http://www.osmanart.net/

The public, in general, has a tendency to stereotype artists. Myths have been perpetuated about the sullen suffering artist, the artist as a misfit, the artist as anti-intellectual and even the idea that having money is not important to artists. This famous quote in the early part of the 20 century “Don’t talk painter, paint,” further perpetuated the idea that artists should not concern themselves with the verbal, only the visual.The truth is that artists today are as diverse as the many styles you see in galleries. There is no one temperament; there is no one purpose for why an artist immerses themselves in the creative process. Mohammed Osman, who’s work is on exhibit at the Architect’s Gallery, is the best example of breaking all the rules about how we stereotype artists.
Not only is Osman a prolific artist, he is one of the most talkative, open and upbeat individuals I have ever meet. Whereas some artists don’t like to talk about their work, he loves to engage in the art of talking and discussing his work at great length. With ease, he can describe or write about each of his works. His passion is ever present in his work and evident while in his presence.
A physician by profession, Osman’s paintings express states of being; color, scale and figurative expression exude meaning about the human psyche and the human experience. The subject of his paintings range from emotional disorders to the supernatural — the overriding theme is the art of healing.
Osman is very clear about art and healing. He stated, “Over 3,000 years ago the ancient kemetic (Egyptian) physicians suggested that healing is an art that addresses a level of being: body, mind and soul. This notion still holds true today. Art is a complementary medicine, capable of healing patients in conjunction with conventional medicine.”
A native of Merka, Somalia, (now practicing and residing in Fayetteville), Osman is very clear about the direction his work has always taken. “My works of art follow a continuity of traditional African art, further advanced to capture the psychosocial, political, cultural, ethnical and medial concepts that are deep, difficult to express in words and philosophically intriguing. Like any other African artist in the world today, I strive in my work to rediscover the definition of contemporary African art.”
His statement above best describes his clear purpose in why he is involved in the creative process of being an artist. Anyone interested in seeing his work online and interested in his extensive explanation of each of his paintings, should go to his Web site: www.osmanart.homestead.com/onlineartexibitionbyhuandmo.html. He explains each painting in the manner of a healer. Medical information and references to the medical are blended with prose, poetry and personal philosophy. His subjects vary and range from themes of isolation, disease, states of being and the supernatural.
In the painting titled Loneliness, a lone female figure stands in profile, her hands raised to her head as she faces the bare wall in front of, her shadow is created by the open window behind her, another opening in the wall is located at the end of the room, painted in yellow and crimson red. Emotion exudes as the blue shape of a landscape pushes against the outside of the wall.
Like all of Osman’s work, Loneliness is painted in a classical expressionistic style. “Loneliness affects everyone indiscriminately. Refugees and immigrants are not excluded. I was raised in Africa. Loneliness lives far away in the West. Here people care. People communicate. People talk. Family ties are strong. Loneliness becomes a matter of choice.”
If you don’t have time to see his work at the Architect’s Gallery on Burgess Street in downtown Fayetteville, then the above Web site extensively represents his work. The website is linked to an online exhibit titled The 2nd Annual African and American Sketchbook 2008: Works by African and African American Artists born in 1930-1961.
What you will be seeing in the Architect’s Gallery exhibit are examples of what inspires Osman — what he “sees, feels, thinks and remembers.” Just be mindful, the Architect’s Gallery is only open Monday through Friday, 9 a.m. - 5 p.m., closed on Saturday and Sunday. The exhibit closes the end of the third week in April.

2008-03-30T03:52:00.000-07:00

Dr. Mohamed Osman’s art highlighted at 4th Friday
Published: Thursday, March 27, 2008 2:07 PM EDT

The science of healing has become the spur to the genius to the art of a local physician. Dr. Mohamed Osman (http://www.osmanart.net/) , who owns and operates Primary Care here in St. Pauls, is quickly becoming internationally known and acclaimed for his distinctive art, art that typically draws its wellspring from health related topics and issues.
His local patients get to enjoy his art, which fills the walls of several rooms inside his office, first hand. Art galleries and medical and social programs around the world clamor for his work as one-man exhibits and as illustrations used in conferences and seminars. He lends images of his work freely, but rarely sells his oil paintings. So the gloriously-colored originals are often seen only by his patients and by those who work at Primary Care.
That will change on Friday, March 28. Dr. Osman will be a featured exhibitor in the Fourth Friday art extravaganza in downtown Fayetteville. His works will be on display at the Architect’s Gallery. This will be the second time that Dr. Osman has been honored with the invitation to exhibit.
In his personal statement, Dr. Osman writes, “I am inspired by what I see, feel, touch, think and remember. East Africa is my place of origin. North America gave me the opportunity to practice not only medicine but recreate as well the energy of colors into contemporary art.
”What I communicate is far from being named primitive art. Indeed, it communicates with the psycho social, ego, spiritual and esthetic sense of your well being.
”Art is a strong feeling that communicates with the creative spheres of the human brain.”Colors of art are ubiquitous. They exist independent from our conscious world. They convey energy. We are surrounded by this mysterious energy.
”The unconscious part of me strives to capture this invisible energy. It transcribes it into fine art images.”
Patients of Dr. Osman can readily agree to this. At Fourth Friday, many others will get to see first hand the powerful, haunting, colorful, and exuberant images that make their way from his unconscious part onto tightly stretched and knowingly painted canvas.
www.robesonian.com/articles/2008/03/28/st_pauls_review/news/news03.txt

2008-03-27T14:20:00.000-07:00

YEMEN
Tra i disperati somali in fuga dalla guerra

Reportage

La Repubblica

VENERDÌ, 21 MARZO 2008, Esteri - Pagina 38

Dall'inviato
GIAMPAOLO CADALANU

MUKALLA (YEMEN)

La terra promessa è sabbia scura, legna secca, capre che frugano tra i rifiuti. Per i fuggiaschi dall´inferno somalo le baracche di lamiera di Al Beida sono il primo saluto e le case in muratura, con l´arco ornamentale sopra le finestre, sono il sogno. La nuova vita comincia qui, sulle calette dello Yemen meridionale. Per chi ce l´ha fatta, l´odissea nel golfo di Aden è presto un ricordo. Per chi invece arriva senza vita, sospinto dalle onde sulle spiagge fra Bir Ali e Mukalla, c´è solo la pietà dei pescatori yemeniti e l´ultima sura del Corano, quella che avvia fra le braccia di Allah onnipotente e misericordioso. Sulla spiaggia Testa di Cane, la fossa comune è indicata solo dai sassi neri, fra due vecchi pescherecci di legno. Un lenzuolo come sudario è l´unica differenza fra i corpi sotterrati e lo scheletro di una vecchia testuggine.
I boat people del Corno d´Africa sono dimenticati da tutti, ma non da uno dei paesi più poveri del pianeta.

«I nostri pescatori aprono la porta ai profughi e dividono con loro il poco che hanno. Ma le risorse sono limitate», dice il viceministro degli Esteri, Ali Muthan Hassan. Se l´Alto commissariato Onu per i rifugiati ha interrotto per ora la registrazione dei fuggiaschi a quota 117 mila, il governo di Sana´a parla di sei-settecentomila. Lo Yemen ha concesso ai somali lo status di rifugiato, ma ora non ce la fa più e per chiedere aiuto ha persino organizzato una conferenza internazionale.«In questi giorni i somali arrivano anche in Italia, ma lo Yemen è in piena emergenza, perché deve affrontare da solo un esodo di grandi proporzioni», dice Laura Boldrini, portavoce dell´Alto commissariato. La diaspora dalla Somalia tormentata dalla guerra dura ormai da oltre vent´anni, ma la chiusura della frontiera da parte del Kenya ha trasformato la via yemenita nell´ultima speranza. E gli arrivi sono in aumento: nel 2006 sono stati almeno 29 mila, nel 2007 quasi trentamila, oltre ottomila solo nei primi due mesi di quest´anno. Per molti lo Yemen è terra di passaggio: «Ero un insegnante, ma sono capace di fare il sarto. Voglio andare in Arabia Saudita», dice Awas, raccolto da poche ore appena sulla costa di Burum, un villaggio abbarbicato sotto la falesia, sulla costa vicino a Mukalla. Qualcuno sogna di raggiungere la comunità yemenita della Gran Bretagna, e c´è pure chi esprime in buon italiano la speranza di un aiuto dal nostro paese. «O mia bella mora, no non mi lasciare, non mi devi rovinare, oh no no no no no», canta Sherif Hassan, ex disc jockey dell´italo-somala Radio Ibis ai tempi della missione Restore Hope, e aggiunge una canzoncina di sua creazione che dice: «Voglio andare in Italia, Somalia arrivederci, mi dispiace...».
Chi non riesce a partire conserva nei ricordi una Somalia che non c´è, «bella, verde, piena di bestiame» come l´immagina senza averla mai vista Zeinab, otto anni e un grande sorriso, la più svelta ad alzare la mano fra le allieve del maestro Abdul, nel campo profughi dell´Unhcr a Kharaz, non lontano da Aden. Per i molti bambini somali nati in terra yemenita, la madrepatria è poco più del ritornello intonato nelle aule del campo: «Che i Somali si uniscano, che s´aiutino l´un l´altro». Non sempre l´invito viene raccolto. Lo sguardo perso di Hussain Musa conferma che spesso i connazionali sono spietati con i profughi. È appena arrivato da Bosaso, il porto privilegiato dai trafficanti, sulla costa della regione semi-autonoma del Puntland. «Eravamo almeno cento in una barca di sei metri, seduti stretti con le mani in grembo. Siamo partiti alle 9 di sera perché il governo del Puntland formalmente non autorizza i nostri viaggi. Abbiamo passato in mare 50 ore, non avevamo acqua né nulla da mangiare. Sono morti in 25, uccisi dal caldo e dai gas del motore. Fra gli altri, chi aveva soldi è stato spogliato di tutto». Adesso Hussain deve contare solo sull´Unhcr: di suo ha solo i vestiti, un paio di malconce infradito e quello che resta dell´energia dei suoi vent´anni.È proprio la traversata l´incubo più straziante. I trafficanti hanno vere e proprie agenzie, chiedono da 10 fino a 150 dollari per il tragitto. Qualcuno si comporta bene, offre ai profughi acqua, pane, persino succhi di frutta. Ma gli altri, la maggioranza, non sono così: alla partenza perquisiscono i profughi, poi li derubano, a volte violentano le donne giovani. I passeggeri sono stipati come bestie, seduti «a incastro», uno sopra l´altro e costretti a urinarsi addosso. Quelli che provano a ribellarsi, ma anche chi si muove e scuote la barca sovraccarica, e persino i bambini che piangono troppo vengono scelti come esempio. Gli scafisti li picchiano e poi li gettano in mare. Il resto della lezione è affidato agli squali tigre, ai makò, ai martello che infestano il golfo di Aden. Dopo, sulla barca nessuno ha più il coraggio di fiatare fino all´arrivo.
Ne muoiono a grappoli, di continuo, recitano le tabelle dell´Unhcr: nel 2007 sono annegati almeno 465 somali e 597 etiopi, mentre gli scafisti ne hanno assassinato 71 e 92. Gli etiopi sono ancora più sfortunati perché i trafficanti somali sono propensi a «sacrificarli» per primi, magari solo per alleggerire la barca, visto che a volte i connazionali sono protetti da legami di clan.I più fortunati, quelli che raggiungono fradici e felici le coste yemenite, si accorgono che anche fuori dalla Somalia la vita è dura. Persino i dodicimila profughi accolti dagli Stati Uniti e «preparati» all´impatto con l´Occidente dall´agenzia dell´Onu ne sono testimoni. «Facciamo lezioni sull´elettricità, sui semafori, sulla vita nel mondo ricco - dicono all´Unhcr - ma spesso non bastano». E l´impatto con la modernità è insopportabile: tanti si tolgono la vita, uccisi dalla realtà dei propri sogni.

2007-12-17T12:01:00.000-08:00

GROUND WATER RESOURCES IN CENTRAL "SOMALIA"

(By Nuredin Hagi Scikei)
Nel 1983 l’Università di Padova (Italia) e quella di Mogadiscio condussero delle indagini idrogeologiche piuttosto serie in diverse aree della “Somalia”. In alcuni casi i risultati furono davvero sorprendenti. Le ricerche, per esempio, evidenziarono che la “Somalia” centrale è ricca di acqua di qualità molto buona e di quantità sufficiente per l’allevamento del bestiame di tutto il paese. Il dossier scientifico che i professori redassero è troppo specialistico per poterlo ripresentare al grande pubblico. Comunque, penso sia ugualmente molto interessante guardare la cartina pubblicata dagli studiosi italiani e somali per rendersi conto di quanto quella regione è ricca di acqua di buona qualità. Ma è ancora più inquietante chiedersi perché la “Somalia” centrale non si è sviluppata e perché quella popolazione si è riversata nella parte meridionale del paese creando morte e distruzione assolutamente inconcepibili secondo il metro della lotta per la sopravivenza. E’ ovvio che c’è l’ingerenza di paesi stranieri (come capita spesso in tanti paesi africani) ma quello che è insopportabile è che come quasi tutti i popoli africani si lascino strumentalizzare così facilmente senza che ne traggano il benché minimo beneficio. Tornando agli studi guidati dall’Università di Padova, i professori conclusero le loro ricerche con queste parole “The problem created by the fresh coastal waters is different still; we already emphasized that the problem does not so much consist in discovering them, but far more in their protection. In this case the exploitation of the underground water resources is most delicate as it will be possible to proceed after a period of studies and tests only. The exploitation of fresh waters however, which are very rich and widely distributed in Somalia… require adequate protection against the flooding by salty marine and brackish waters of the transition zone….. Our investigation should be considered as an initial stage of the work we have in mind. It can however be said now that the good quality water exist in Central Somalia, indicating favorable prospects for the people living in the various villages whom we have met and who have always extended great and friendly hospitality to all of us”.
Per comprendere meglio i dati riportati sulla carta geografica, è utile chiarire che gli studiosi classificano l’acqua a seconda della salinità totale (T.D.S.-Total Dissolved Solids) in questo modo:

0÷1.0 T.D.S (g/l) Valida per tutti gli usi, cioè ottima per uomini e tutti i tipi di bestiame(indicato con il colore azzurro sulla cartina)

1.1÷3 T.D.S (g/l) Valida per il bestiame, al limite per l’uomo (verde muschio sulla cartina)
3.1÷5.0 T.D.S (g/l) Valida per il bestiame, proibitiva per l’uomo (verde chiaro sulla cartina)
5.1÷7.0 T.D.S (g/l) Valida per cammelli al limite per Gli altri animali (colore giallo sulla cartina)
7.1÷10.0 T.D.S (g/l) Valida per cammelli, al limite per capre e pecore, proibitiva per i bovini (indicato con il colore arancio sulla cartina)

10.1÷15 T.D.S (g/l) Al limite per i cammelli, di emergenza per capre e pecore

> 1 5 T.D.S (g/l) Non usabile per nessun animale domestico Confrontando i dati di questa tabella con quelli colorati da me sulla carta geografica, si può facilmente notare che la “Somalia” centrale è ricca di acque sufficienti per la popolazione di quelle zone, per l’irrigazione e per il bestiame di tutti i pastori.
I tecnici dicono che persino le aree di colore arancione che sono le meno favorite, hanno comunque una qualità di acqua che va bene per cammelli, capre e pecore eccetto per i bovini. Le aree colorate, pur avendo una diversa qualità del prezioso liquido, sono zone ricche di acqua in cui la vita può fiorire e svilupparsi tranquillamente. In parole ancora più chiare neppure un palmo del "Somalia" Centrale ha qualcosa di simile al deserto. Pertanto sarebbe utile approfondire se è solo un problema culturale il motivo per cui la popolazione della “Somalia” centrale non è capace di sfruttare le grandi risorse della regione in cui vive (che è estesa quasi 100.000 kmq cioè più di un terzo del paese), oppure vi sia un’abile regia internazionale che li ha pilotati a riversarsi nelle terre dei Banaadiri e dei Digil e Mirifle per creare una perenne instabilità nel Corno d’Africa. Anche gli ultimi tentativi di alcuni protagonisti delle forze governative di annientare politicamente soprattutto i Banaadiri (che sono in gran parte di origine araba e abitano lungo la fascia costiera che va da Warshiiq fino al confine con il Kenya) e i Bantu sembrano seguire una strategia suggerita da paesi stranieri. Se no non si spiegherebbe perché una terra così enorme e scarsamente abitata come la “Somalia”, alcuni clan desiderino impossessarsi così ferocemente di spazi di territorio (spesso quartieri che non sono altro che baraccopoli) che non hanno nulla di prezioso rispetto ad altre aree del paese.

2007-10-24T00:55:00.000-07:00

Cina-Africa: la grande opportunità

( di Nuredin Hagi Scikei)

L’Africa sta tornando al centro dell’attenzione mondiale perché è diventata un'importante scacchiera nella partita Cina-USA.
E’ stata la Cina a rompere gli indugi togliendo dall’isolamento politico il Sudan e aiutandolo a diventare un produttore di petrolio nel 1999, vent’anni dopo che era stato accertato la presenza di giacimenti petroliferi nel suo territorio. Senza la Cina il Sudan non sarebbe diventato un produttore di petrolio. Il gigante asiatico, che oramai non teme più nessuno, spinto dalla sua incredibile crescita economica e dalle sue necessità energetiche, si è presentato in tutti i paesi africani siglando contratti, cancellando debiti ed eliminando la tariffa doganale per ben 440 prodotti provenienti dall’Africa.
Il libro “Safari cinese” ci racconta queste e tante altre notizie confermandoci che di fatto la Cina ha rilanciato l’importanza mondiale dell’Africa togliendola alle pressioni dei paesi occidentali.
Le tre autrici si soffermano forse un po’ troppo sui rischi dei rapporti sino-africani sorvolando sui benefici che l’Africa potrebbe ricavarne. Ma il libro è ugualmente interessante perché analizza questo cambiamento da un punto di vista unitario. La prospettiva di analisi di questa breve ricerca ha il grande pregio di stimolare a pensare quanto sia importante per l’Africa prepararsi a questi cambiamenti in modo coordinato. La Cina è un gigante che potrebbe far male anche senza volere. I paesi africani dovrebbero costituire un osservatorio che raccoglie dati e analizza in continuazione questo nuovo fenomeno. Questo osservatorio dorrebbe aiutare i governi e i produttori africani su come approfittare della crescita della Cina (e dell’India) senza lasciarsi schiacciare dalla loro impressionante intraprendenza economica. Nel libro viene citato l’esempio di come 25.000 operai sudafricani abbiano perso il lavoro per via dell’importazione di prodotti a basso costo dalla Cina. Le autrici ci informano anche che lo stesso governo cinese si è impegnato a tagliare l’export tessile verso il Sudafrica proprio per non danneggiare il paese amico.
L’invasione dei prodotti cinesi in Africa è impossibile da frenare. Basta pensare che l’interscambio Cina-Africa è passato dai 10 miliardi di dollari del 2000 ai 39,7 del 2005. Le previsioni più attendibili la fissano in un volume di 100 miliardi di dollari nel 2010, cioè fra soli due anni.
In questo giro di affari, affinché l’Africa non si riduca ad importare beni cinesi di bassa qualità e di scarsa utilità per il suo sviluppo, esportando materie prime preziose, è necessario che essi creino una organizzazione africana altamente qualificata che si avvalga di esperti, professori e ricercatori che elaborino linee guida per i responsabili dei vari paesi. Simili organizzazioni possono funzionare soltanto con il contributo economico di più paesi perché la quasi maggioranza dei paesi africani non può permettersi di creare e di mantenere nulla del genere.
L’occidente lo sa bene ma gli africani devono ancora comprendere a fondo che la Cina sta cambiando le regole del gioco in tutto il mondo. E’ oramai accertato che la Cina è il produttore mondiale di frigoriferi, personal computer, condizionatori d’aria, televisori, fotocamere e lettori DVD. La crescita vorticosa di questo paese è un argomento complesso che non può essere sintetizzato in poche battute. Certamente non può prescindere dalla sua irraggiungibile consistenza demografica, ma i paesi africani non debbono dimenticare che le piccole e medie imprese cinesi, spesso a capitale privato, contribuiscono per il 60% alla produzione industriale del paese. Se gli africani desiderano agganciarsi alle locomotive cinesi ed indiane per trarne un concreto beneficio, allora debbono impegnarsi in modo che gli accordi e l’import cinese e indiana abbiano come principale obbiettivo la crescita e la moltiplicazione dei piccoli produttori locali e delle infrastrutture che le devono servire.

[Le mappe dell'Africa con le varie indicazioni, si trovano nel n.3 del 2006 del periodico Limes che è una rivista italiana di geopolitica].

2007-10-08T05:13:00.000-07:00

Quando la Kora abbraccia le RIME BANAADIRI
(Nuredin Hagi Scikei)
Alcuni dei miei amici mi rimproverano sul fatto che io affronti quasi esclusivamente temi connessi con i banaadiri o con il territorio del Banaadir. E’ vero. E’ un mondo a cui ho sempre dedicato tutti i miei sforzi perché ne conosco il valore e la fragilità.
Anche in questo articolo, in cui la protagonista è una cantante, mi interessa invitare a riflettere e a richiamare l’attenzione su quel genere di legame forte che i banaadiri riescono a stabilire con chiunque vada a vivere in mezzo a loro.
Leggendo la storia di Saba ci si fa l’idea di una storia “creola” come ne esistono tante in questo mondo. Ma, in realtà ha qualcosa di particolare che la rende diversa da tutte le altre. Saba è una mulatta di padre italiano e madre etiopica che canta in una lingua parlata da gran parte della popolazione costiera del Banaadir.
E’ nata a Mogadiscio ma vive in Italia dall’età di cinque anni. Della lingua cuscita dei “Reer Hamar” con cui lei canta e fa filtrare le sue emozioni, ne può fare tranquillamente a meno. Non le serve né per lavorare né per sbrigare le varie incombenze quotidiane. Ne ha bisogno invece (lo si intuisce nelle interviste che rilascia) per portarsi dietro il passato di sua madre che le sta a cuore e probabilmente ne ha influenzato la personalità. Un passato che le fornisce un punto fermo nella sua vita all’interno di una vicenda familiare caratterizzata da continue emigrazioni forzate che partono dall’Etiopia e si sviluppano nel Banaadir e in Italia. Saba mette come principale punto di riferimento della sua vita famigliare non l’Etiopia, non l’Italia ma Mogadiscio (capoluogo del Banaadir e chiamata anche Hamar dai locali). Anzi, la colloca con estrema precisione in quella Mogadiscio millenaria che ha la sua espressione più forte e caratteristica nel quartiere di Hamarweyn. La vita artistica di questa bella creola africana potrà proseguire anche con la lingua inglese, l’amarico o l’italiano, eppure lei ha preferito debuttare con quella dei Reer Hamar. La parte ancora più commovente di questa storia è che lei l’ha imparato fuori da Mogadiscio. L’ha voluta imparare per forza dalla madre che è colei che ha vissuto nel quartiere di Hamarweyne in mezzo ai Reer Hamar.
Per coloro che lo ignorano, Hamarweyne e Shangaani (quest’ultimo oramai distrutto dai somali) sono fra i quartieri più antichi dell’Africa. I banaadiri di Mogadiscio sono conosciuti anche come Reer Hamar, così come i banaadiri di Marka, Baraawa e Kisimayo sono conosciuti come Reer Marka, Reer Baraawa, Reer Kisimayo ecc. Per chi è appassionato di storia l’ospitalità dei Reer Hamar ebbe l’onore, nel 1330, di essere descritta dal più grande viaggiatore dell’epoca pre-moderna, Ibn Battuta, in questi termini:«... noi restammo lì per tre giorni, in cui ci veniva portato il cibo tre volte al giorno, come è loro costume. Il quarto giorno, che era venerdì, vennero il Qadi, gli studenti e uno dei visir dello Sheikh, portandomi un abito. Il loro abbigliamento consisteva in un panno di seta che uno si lega alla cintola, in una tunica di lino d’Egitto ricamata, in una zimarra foderata di stoffa gerosolimitana, in un turbante egiziano ricamato. Anche ai miei compagni essi portarono vesti ad essi appropriate..». Dopo quasi sette secoli di tribolazioni l’ospitalità è ancora considerata dai Reer Hamar un valore irrinunciabile.
Uno delle caratteristiche che contraddistinguono i banaadiri dagli altri abitanti del Corno d’Africa è che se qualcuno si sforza di imparare la lingua locale, nessuno lo assillerà mai con le correzioni. L’importante è che la gente capisca quello che vuole dire. Come lo pronuncerà e con quale accento è un problema che non viene mai sollevato. Ecco perché Saba può dire tranquillamente di non essersi mai preoccupata della struttura grammaticale e di non aver fatto nulla per avvicinarsi al somalo ufficiale, perché la lingua dei Reer Hamar riusciva a fornirle la musicalità e il calore che desiderava trovare nelle parole e nei ricordi di sua madre. Io sono dell’avviso che quella dei Reer Hamar è una “lingua cuscita” e non “un dialetto somalo”. Penso davvero che essa non derivi dalla lingua somala ma sia direttamente imparentata in qualche modo (così come lo è il somalo) con altre lingue parlate da altre popolazioni cuscite. Basta andare fra gli Oromo dell’Etiopia per rendersi conto di questo. Nel Banaadir la lingua cuscita ha dovuto subire molte modifiche perché ha dovuto fare molti compressi con l’arabo. Infatti i fondatori delle città più importanti di tutta questa area sono stati gli yemeniti. Dall’incontro fra arabi e cusciti ha preso forma la lingua che Saba dice propria dei Reer Hamar ma che in realtà la parlano tutti i banaadiri della costa e dell’interno. Anzi, ne esiste una versione ancora più stretta e antica conosciuta anche come “Maa Doontee” ed è una lingua cuscita parlata da alcuni clan di origine araba di Mogadiscio, di Marka, Afgoi e Jilib.
Uno studioso potrebbe spiegare che la lingua dei Reer Hamar ha delle caratteristiche metriche che lo rendono idonea ad essere manipolata meglio per esigenze ritmiche. Io mi limito ad osservare che Saba, inconsapevolmente o volutamente, recuperando la lingua dei Reer Hamar senza “somalizzarla” ad ogni costo, ne appoggia e condivide a sua autonomia e la sua estetica che lo rende così accattivante.Il disco è bello. L’arrangiamento è felice e finalmente si è riusciti a introdurre le sonorità maestose della Kora all’interno dei testi Reer Hamar. Saba, con molta grazia, riesce a dare molto ritmo e vitalità alla lingua con cui canta. I suoi compagni l’aiutano molto bene a controllare la scala pentatonica di cui noi banaadiri tendiamo ad abusare troppo costruendo linee melodiche troppo ripetitive. E’ una cantante dalla voce morbida e un po’ sabbiosa. Può dare ancora molto di più. Nel disco si sentono l’eco di regine illustri come Rokia Traoré. Non ha paura di sperimentare. E’ coraggiosa. Chi ha la fortuna di capire quello che dice e l’accento con cui le canta non può che rimanerne commosso. Se Saba ha deciso che questa sarà il suo mestiere penso che seguire da vicino i lavori della sudanese Rasha, della portoghese Cocha Buika e sopratutto metabolizzare l’ultimo e straordinario capolavoro di Dee Dee Bridgewater, Red Earth, non potrà che giovare alla sua crescita artistica e alle sue bellissime sperimentazioni. Auguri di cuore Saba e grazie per aver ricordato a tutti l’universo dei Reer Hamar che in tanti hanno provato a spazzarlo via.

2007-08-19T00:58:00.000-07:00

I CONFINI DEL BANAADIR
(Nuredin Hagi Scikei)
[Written in Italian]

Le forti pressioni ricevute dai banaadiri mi inducono a pubblicare questo articolo con urgenza lasciando alla benevolenza dei singoli la traduzione in inglese, in arabo o in somalo per i fratelli che non parlano l’italiano.
Per pubblicare questo articolo ho dovuto attingere al mio archivio di note e mi auguro che almeno serva a far comprendere quanto la storia del Banaadir è complessa, poco conosciuta e ancora tutta da rivedere e riscrivere. Anche se le date vanno controllate meglio ed arricchite con altri episodi, non le ho tolte perché il loro susseguirsi ci da un idea del tempo in cui si è consumata la tragedia della spartizione del Banaadir.
Riallacciandomi subito ad un dibattito di questi giorni, non esiste un "Ex Benadir" ma un "Falso Banaadir" creato dal regime di Siad Barre, Huseen Kulmie & compagni. Un "Falso Banaadir" che ancora oggi stenta a sparire perché vi sono gruppi che hanno interesse ad identificare il Banaadir in pochi quartieri di Mogadiscio. L’ingenuo obbiettivo è quello di dividere e sparpagliare i Banaadiri per togliere a loro ogni peso politico che alle prime elezioni regolari li porterebbe ad esprimere i loro veri rappresentanti.
In questa occasione però vorrei fare capire meglio ai miei fratelli e sorelle Banaadiri che gli omani che hanno amministrato il Banaadir non devono essere considerati stranieri ma banaadiri a tutti gli effetti. Non è possibile considerare stranieri gli omani perché nel Banaadir ci hanno abitato per più di due secoli, lo hanno liberato dai portoghesi con il loro sangue, hanno fatto rinascere l'economia banaadiri dopo la distruzione di tutta la rete commerciale operata sempre dai portoghesi e non l'hanno mai aggredita con crudeltà come hanno fatto i somali. Anzi, il loro esercito nell'area era composto da migliaia di banaadiri di origine yemenita.
Ovviamente gli omani erano dei banaadiri un po' particolari che, dato il loro ruolo di monarchi, erano molto privilegiati e quindi non particolarmente amati dalla popolazione che non conosceva bene la loro storia. Per giudicare gli omani non bisogna dimenticare che essi sono coloro che hanno liberato tutti i musulmani della costa orientale africana e sopratutto del Banaadir da quasi due secoli di violenta e crudele dominazione portoghese. Non va neanche dimenticato che gli omani lasciavano che i banaadiri gestissero abbastanza liberamente la loro politica interna ed economica. I sultani si limitavano a controllare la politica estera e a riscuotere le tasse con cui tra l’altro dovevano provvedere al mantenimento dell’esercito e della costosa marina da guerra che difendeva gli stessi banaadiri da aggressioni straniere.
Ma la storia della monarchia omani, nonostante il brutto capitolo dei loro rapporti con le popolazioni pagane della odierna Tanzania, è una storia straordinaria, epica, di grandi combattenti e conquistatori. Una storia che potete viverla meglio leggendo i libri degli storici Abdul Shariff e di Beatrice Nicolini.
L’artefice della cacciata dei portoghesi e della rinascita politica ed economica dell’Africa Orientale è opera di Sa’id Said degli Al Bu Sa’id. Questo monarca riuscì a realizzare un piano strategico degno dei migliori statisti di sempre. Infatti Sa’id Said riuscì:
- a convincere l’elite mercantile indiana, i Baniani, a finanziare la sua guerra contro i portoghesi
- a convincere i guerrieri baluci di Makran (della regione del Balucistan) a unirsi ai combattenti omani per ampliare e rendere più solida la classe militare della monarchia
- a dotarsi di una flotta di navi con cannoni perché solo con questi mezzi potevano essere fermati la potente marina militare portoghese
Questa è in sintesi la geniale idea che portò alla vittoria gli omani sui portoghesi e liberò il Banaadir e tutti i musulmani della costa dal terrore dei più crudeli dei colonialisti.
Quando morì Sa’id Said gli succedettero i suoi figli che non seppero accrescere la potenza militare del loro padre e dovettero soccombere ad un vasto attacco portato dai colonialisti inglesi, francesi, tedeschi ed italiani per la spartizione dell’Africa.
Non è vero, come raccontano certi libri di storia, che i figli di Sa’id Said hanno ceduto il Banaadir all’Italia come se trattasse della vendita di un tappeto. Il governo coloniale italiano ha preso possesso del Banaadir da una monarchia ormai sotto il tiro delle navi cannoniere inglesi, francesi, tedesche ed italiane. Anche i confini verso l’interno del Banaadir furono ridisegnati per far spazio alle mire colonialiste dei tedeschi. Se la lunghezza del Banaadir (che va dalla città di Warsheikh e arriva fino al confine con il Kenya) è difficile metterla discussione, la larghezza del territorio verso l’interno è ancora da definire meglio. Secondo diversi fonti era oltre 100 km dalla costa verso l’interno.
Quello che segue è la breve cronistoria di ciò che successe dal 1885 al 1908.
Nel gennaio del 1885 il ministro degli esteri Mancini, affida al capitano Cecchi, l’incarico di esplorare le regioni interne dell’estremo Nord-Est dell’Africa per verificare la possibilità di occupazione da parte dell’Italia. Cecchi inizia la sua missione presentandosi con la nave militare Barbarigo alla corte di Barqash bin Said sovrano di Zanzibar e del Banaadir. Le motivazioni presentate dall’emissario italiano erano quelle di studiare quali commerci si potevano sviluppare fra gli stati del sultano e l’Italia. Il Re era troppo astuto per credere a questi discorsi ma era ormai troppo debole e la Germania aveva iniziato l’occupazione delle regioni dell’Usagara e territori limitrofi.
L’Italia, quindi, si presenta nel momento più opportuno sulle coste dell’Oceano Indiano. Dopo gli inglesi, francesi e tedeschi, a Said Barqash non resta che cominciare a giocare a scacchi anche con gli ultimi arrivati. Il 29 maggio 1885, un rappresentante del sultano e gli emissari italiani, il capitano Cecchi e il comandante Fecarotta, concludono un accordo (sotto riserva approvazione del re) che permetteva agli italiani piena libertà di commercio su tutto il territorio del sultano con i diritti della nazione più favorita. L’obbiettivo di Barqash era quello di farsi amico l’Italia concedendo a loro la possibilità di creare stabilimenti commerciali lungo il Juba per scoraggiare l’occupazione aggressiva dei tedeschi e in qualche modo guadagnare tempo. Il console italiano in Zanzibar, Filonardi, nell’agosto del 1885, scrive che nel porto sono presenti: 5 corvette tedesche, 2 corvette inglesi, 1 corvetta degli Stati Uniti. Nel mese di settembre del 1885 l’incaricato degli affari tedeschi comunica agli italiani che un certo sultano somalo di Kisimayo di nome Ali ben Ismail Karim, aveva chiesto il protettorato della Germania. Il capitano Cecchi, che nel frattempo aveva già visitato Kisimayo, scrive al ministro degli esteri Depretis che l’unica autorità in questa città è il governatore del sultano Barqash e non esiste nessun sultano somalo. Non solo Kisimayo e dintorni erano parte del Banaadir e quindi parte integrante del territorio amministrato da Barqash, ma anche nei pressi di Jumbo era presente una guarnigione omani-zanzibari-banaadiri. Non è difficile per gli italiani, intuire che i tedeschi si inventano autorità inesistenti per legittimare un loro intervento ed una loro occupazione di Kisimayo. Longa manus della Germania era la Società tedesca per l’Africa Orientale (Deutsche Ost-Afrikanische Gellschaft). Una società privata con sede a Berlino.
La mossa di Barqash per far entrare nel gioco anche l’Italia ottiene qualche risultato. Infatti l’Italia presenta le sue rimostranze al governo tedesco e si apre quindi una discussione fra i due governi. Essendo già stata nominata una commissione mista anglo-franco-tedesca per la delimitazione dello aree di competenza al sovrano Barqash, la Germania decide di attendere i lavori della commissione. Nel frattempo invia per ricognizione, due navi da guerra fuori dai confini del Banaadir, a nord di Warsheekh, sulla costa delle terre abitate dai somali. I capitribù somali si allarmano e temendo una invasione europea, inviano messaggeri in Zanzibar e chiedono aiuto e consigli al re Barqash.
Il console Filonardi cerca di approfittare al massimo di questi drammatici momenti che sta vivendo il re Barqash e cerca di forzare le trattative tentando di costringerlo a cedere all’Italia Kisimayo e le aree intorno al fiume Juba di sua spontanea volontà. La reazione del sovrano è immediata e così scrive al console italiano il 7 novembre 1886:«Noi siamo molto sorpresi che ci venga riferito di aver noi proposto di cedere completamente al suo governo la città di Kisimayo ed i suoi dintorni. Se il Governo Italiano ha compreso così, noi affermiamo che la nostra intenzione non fu mai quella di abbassare la nostra bandiera perché non potremmo permettere che ciò succeda nei nostri territori. Preghiamo perciò la S.V. a voler far conoscere al suo Governo che noi non avemmo mai intenzione di cedere completamente questo paese, ma di unirci al Governo Italiano per svilupparlo commercialmente, come già ci era stato proposto da uno dei rappresentanti d’Italia. Preghiamo altresì la S.V. a volerci dare una risposta sul valore della nostra offerta».
Sempre verso la fine del 1886 la commissione anglo-franco-tedesca riconosce che anche le città di Kisimayo, Barawa, Marka, Muqdisho, Warsheikh con una larghezza verso l’interno di circa 10 miglia erano le terre del re omani-zanzibari-banaadiri. La riduzione della sovranità territoriale del sultano ad un raggio di dieci miglia, aveva l’obbiettivo di favorire l’occupazione della Germania nei territori oltre quel confine. I tre funzionari che dirigevano questa commissione erano il tedesco sig. Schmidt, console in Egitto, l’inglese tenente-colonnello Kitchener e il console generale francese Patrimonio.
Nei primi giorni di aprile del 1886 morì Barqash e gli successe il fratello Sayd Khalifa, molto più ostile agli europei. Filonardi cerca di concludere le trattative su Kisimayo e sull’utilizzo del fiume Giuba con il nuovo sovrano. Questi però dimostra molta perplessità sul testo dell’accordo presentatogli dal Filonardi e osserva che i diritti degli italiani non sono ben definiti. Khalifa si dimostrò subito non interessato alle trattative con l’Italia e non riceve il console italiano che gli vuole portare una lettera del Re d’Italia.
Il Filonardi approfittando di questa occasione si inventa un incidente diplomatico in accordo con il governo italiano. Il Presidente del Consiglio e Ministro ad Interim italiano, Crispi, il 30 maggio 1888 manda un telegramma a Filonardi in Zanzibar e gli ordina di chiedere al sultano una riparazione adeguata per "l’offesa" e la cessione incondizionata di Kisimayo!! Questo atteggiamento arrogante viene adottato anche dal già poco diplomatico Filonardi che ottiene come unico risultato il deteriorasi del rapporto con Khalifa. Su consiglio dell’inglese lord Salisbury, Crispi decide di inviare a Zanzibar il Capitano Cecchi che era stato nominato console ad Aden ed era considerato un buon negoziatore.
Intanto Khalifa rifiuta ogni riparazione chiesta dall’Italia e il Filonardi, il 6 giugno 1888, abbassa la bandiera e rompe i rapporti con il sovrano omani-zanzibari-banaadiri. Ma Crispi, che sapeva molto bene l’influenza che gli inglesi avevano in Zanzibar, attraverso l’incaricato d’affari in Londra, Catalani, chiede che il console britannico aiuti l’inviato Cecchi. Il Foreign Office mette in contatto, Catalani, con il sig. William Mackinnon, un uomo ricco e molto ascoltato sia dal governo inglese che da Barqash.Inoltre egli era chairman dell’IBEAC (Imperial British East Africa Company) che amministrava già le città costiere del Kenya. Anche Cecchi ricorre a linguaggi violenti e minacciosi nei confronti di Khalifa, che finiscono anche per irritare gli inglesi. Makinnon decide di scendere apertamente in campo e fa una proposta al governo italiano attraverso il Catalani. In sostanza si tratta di questo: Kisimayo sarebbe stata occupata ed amministrata da una società privata inglese ed una italiana. Nell’interno oltre i limiti del territorio del Banaadir, il fiume Juba sarebbe diventato il limite di separazione delle due compagnie: quella inglese avrebbe posseduto la riva meridionale mentre quella italiana avrebbe preso possesso non solo della riva settentrionale del Giuba ma anche di tutto il territorio del Benadir. In seguito, aggiunge Mackinnon, L’Italia avrebbe potuto estendere la sua sfera di influenza su parte del territorio abitato dai somali cioè quello che si estende a nord di Warsheikh.
Il sovrano Khalifa, per quanto sia in balia delle pressioni delle potenze europee e sopratutto di quella inglese, accetta di porgere le sue scuse per l’incidente diplomatico causato dal suo disinteresse a ricevere la lettera del Re italiano ma si oppone, con una breve lettera indirizzata al Cecchi il 28 agosto 1888, alla cessione di Kisimayo. In questa lettera il re omani-zanzibari-banaadiri non menzionando il resto del Banaadir sembra oramai rassegnato a perderlo. Ma già nei primi mesi di agosto, il governo inglese aveva fatto sapere a quello italiano che per il momento non vi erano speranze di indurre il sultano a fare concessioni territoriali ad una paese straniero e che bisogna aspettare ad un momento più opportuno. Il Presidente del Consiglio, Crispi, telegrafa a Cecchi e gli chiede di formulare un piano di condotta visto la non disponibilità del governo britannico ad appoggiare le richieste italiane. Le proposte del Cecchi sono tutte bellicose e secondo il suo parere sarebbero bastate le due navi da guerra italiane presenti in quelle acque se l’Italia avesse avuto la garanzia della neutralità di Inghilterra e Germania. Egli scrive testualmente:«siccome però è mia ferma convinzione che malgrado le più ampie dichiarazioni di neutralità, Inghilterra appoggerà sempre con mezzi più o meno indiretti il Sultano, ne risulta che le difficoltà saranno molto aumentate e si richiederà per vincerle maggiore impiego di mezzi e non poca perspicacia per non urtarci apertamente con Inghilterra».
La situazione politica in cui versava Khalifa viene descritta in questi termini:«Il Sultano [...] si può ben dire non esistere che di nome: letteralmente disautorato, la sua presenza a palazzo non è che per firmare ordini dati in suo nome dai rappresentanti inglese e tedesco: nulla gli è permesso che non piaccia a questi funzionari principalmente a quello inglese, il quale si può veramente dire essere qui onnipotente».
Per quanto il tono era sprezzante e adirato per la scarsa considerazione che il sultano, giustamente, dava alle pretese dell’Italia, era vero che il sultanato era letteralmente ostaggio degli inglesi che erano presenti nelle sue acque con una flotta di ben otto navi di cui una corazzata e di primo ordine. Considerevole era anche la flotta tedesca composta da cinque navi ed in attesa dell’arrivo di due incrociatori.
Ad ogni modo, su pressioni inglesi, Khalifa ristabilisce le relazioni diplomatiche. Il 19 novembre 1888 la bandiera italiana viene nuovamente issata sulla residenza consolare e viene salutata con 21 colpi di cannone della corvetta del sultano e della batteria di terra.
Dalle lettere inviate dall’incaricato degli affari in Londra,Catalani, ed il Presidente del Consiglio italiano, Crispi, sembrerebbe che i motivi per cui Mackinnon desiderava far ottenere delle concessioni territoriali all’Italia erano per far da contrappeso, assieme all’Inghilterra, al predominio commerciale e politico della Germania in Africa Orientale. Mackinnon in passato aveva cercato di realizzare in Africa Orientale una grande compagnia con l’appoggio del governo inglese, tipo quella delle Compagnia delle Indie. Ma il governo britannico dimostrò molta perplessità su questa questione ed accettò di appoggiare il progetto ma con ambizioni assai ridotte.
Comunque, tutta la trattativa sulla cessione del Banaadir all’Italia è stata praticamente condotta da Londra da Tommaso Catalani con Mackinnon.
Il 18 novembre 1889 a Londra viene firmato l’atto di cessione del Banaadir al governo italiano da parte della IBEAC. Mancava solo che il sultano firmasse la concessione in affitto del Banaadir ed di altri suoi possedimenti alla compagnia inglese. Questa traslazione ovviamente era stata concordata molto tempo prima e anche il sultano ne era a conoscenza.
Il 13 febbraio del 1890 Khalifa muore e gli succede il fratello Sayyid Ali Sultan che il 4 marzo 1890 è costretto a firmare la concessione del Banaadir e di altri territori del sultanato alla compagnia inglese. La condizione che il sultano ricevesse una quota annuale di circa 90.000 talleri (almeno inizialmente) delle entrate dei porti del Banaadir era di per se insignificante perché di fatto il Banaadir era uscito fuori dal suo controllo. Il 6 marzo 1890 il nuovo sultano scrive a George S. Mackenzie, amministratore in capo della Imperial British East Africa Company dichiarando che non ha obiezioni che la compagnia inglese affidi l’amministrazione del Banaadir agli italiani. Il trasferimento della gestione del Banaadir agli italiani non fu immediato in quanto dovettero prima risolvere con la compagnia inglese una controversia sull’amministrazione di Kisimayo.
Dopo qualche anno gli italiani cominciano ad installarsi nei principali porti del Banaadir ad eccetto di Kisimayo che rimase agli inglesi. Sfumò così il progetto di Cecchi di fare del porto di Kisimayo lo sbocco naturale delle regioni meridionali dell’Etiopia e della vallata del Giuba la via più rapida per una penetrazione politica e commerciale nell’impero abissino.
Qualche storico scriverà:«Se per ottenere il subaffitto dei quattro porti del Banaadir occorrono otto anni di manovre diplomatiche, un certo numero di spedizioni navali e l’appoggio determinante del governo inglese, ben più rapida e facile si rivela l’operazione per ottenere il protettorato sul resto della costa somala».
Il governo italiano in un primo momento scelse il sistema indiretto di amministrazione coloniale affidando la gestione del Banaadir ad una società commerciale. Questa scelta fu dettata dalla necessità di condurre una penetrazione con meno clamore e sopratutto perché riteneva che fosse il sistema più economico. Il Filonardi, che era titolare di un società commerciale e che aveva preso parte attiva a gran parte delle minacce-pressioni-trattative condotte con i re omani-zanzibari-banaadiri, mediante una contratto stipulato l’11 maggio 1893 con il governo italiano, costituisce una società con la quale prende in affitto i principali porti del Banaadir. Questa società chiamata "Compagnia Italiana per la Somalia V. Filonardi & C." (dietro la quale c’era il Banco di Roma), ottenne per tre anni (dal 16 luglio 1893 al 15 luglio 1896) l’autorizzazione ad amministrare il Banaadir. Nell’ottobre del 1893, essa si era installata nel territorio.
Nel 1904, il governo italiano ha ormai avviato negoziati con il sultano di Zanzibar e con l’Inghilterra per l’acquisto dei porti banaadiri e per assumere l’amministrazione diretta della colonia. Il 14 aprile 1905, dopo vent’anni di indirect rule, l’Italia assume la gestione diretta del Banaadir. Nel 1908, con la famosa legge n.161 del 5 aprile, le autorità coloniali italiane creano un nuovo assetto politico-aministrativo per i popoli del Corno d’Africa e gli impongono il nome tribale "Somalia" che finirà per privilegiare in tutto e per tutto il gruppo etnico dei somali nei confronti dei banaadiri, dei Digil, dei Mirifle e dei Bantu.
Il Banaadir non ha mai avuto giacimenti minerari minerari da sfruttare, le sue coste sono tra le peggiori del Corno d'Africa. L'unico porto naturale buono che ha a disposizione è quello di Kisimayo. Il suo fiume più importante, lo Webi Shabelle, lascia due terzi delle sue acque nella regione dell'Hiran dove viene prelavato dagli Hawiye per irrigare i loro campi agricoli. Eppure il Banaadir è stato sempre l'area più sviluppata di tutto il Corno d'Africa. La ragione di questo successo era una ed una sola soltanto: l'abilità della sua gente nell'amministrazione politica e nella gestione economica delle cose pubbliche e private. Riconsegnare il Banaadir ai banaadiri è nell'interesse di tutti gli abitanti del Corno d'Africa. Per un paese non è facile creare una popolazione dalla mentalità urbanizzata, una popolazione che si rende pienamente conto del valore della disciplina e dei difficili negoziati che una società moderna è chiamata continuamente nei suoi rapporti interni ed esterni. Occorrono generazioni per costruire una mentalità positiva e duratura. I banadiri ce l'hanno già e i somali la devono ancora acquisire. La storia parla per tutti.
Se i somali fossero stati capaci come i banaadiri, non si sarebbero riuniti nel piccolo Banaadir a scannare e a scannarsi per prendere possesso non di risorse naturali esistenti ma di ricchezze create da uomini e donne banaadiri.

Nota sulle foto:

- La prima in alto a sinistra è una panoramica dall'alto di Kisimayo (inizi del 1900) in cui sivedono bene le caratteristiche palazzine con veranda dei Banaadiri di Kisimayo

- La seconda foto (inizi del 1900) è una istantanea di uomini della comunità indiana di Kisimayo. I baniani furono i finaziatori della guerra degli omani contro i portoghesi

- Il terzo disegno è la sezione di un veliero arabo dell'Oceano Indiano che ha decreato il successo commerciale dei musulmani della penisola arabica e dellaCosta Orientale Africana

- Il quarto disegno si riferisce a una delle tante rovine che si trovano nelle isole Bajuni ed è ciò dai bombardamenti dei portoghesi nei secoli passati

2007-08-02T01:01:00.000-07:00

Diidmo Magac cusub in loo handaso Beesha Banaadiriga
(This text is written in Somali)
Ujeeddo : Xadgudub aan geed loogu soo gaban oo marlabaad la damacsan yahay in lagu sameeyo Qowmiyadda Banaadiriga, oo shirkii carta loogu yeeray Other’s, haatan la rabo in loo handaso magac cusub oo aan marnaba ogolaan doonin haddii aan nahay mutacalimiinta Banaadiri iyo mumatiliinta beesha aanu ka dhalanay.
Anagoo tixraaceyna warsaxafadeedkii aan horay u soo gudbinay, oo aan ku cadaynay sida wadicigu yahay iyo waxyaabaha aan tirsanayno, iyo kuwa aanu ka sugayno DFKS, waxaa qasab nagu noqotay inaan ku dhawaaqno ka sooo horjeedno magaca cusub oo ay rabaan inay dadka qaar noogu yeeraan amaba noo handasaan.
Waxaanu idinla socodsiinaynaa inay tahay arin aan gabsho lahayn, ahna xadgudub cad markii qof ku yiraahdo magacaygu waa C/raxmaan, adigana aad oogu yeerato magac aad jeebkaaga kala soo baxdo, sida ‘’adoonkayga’’.
Sidaas darteed waxaanu leenahay madasha shirka dib u heshiisiinta beelaha soomaaliyeed, Madaxweynaha DKFS, Ra’iisul Wasaaraha DKFS iyo dadka qaar oo raba inay magaca Banaadiri, ka badelaan Qowmiyadda Banaadiri/Beesha Banaadiriga – ooguna yeeraan ‘’Isbaheysiga beelaha Somaliyeed’’, magacan ayaa ah mid aanu diidan nahay, ka soo horjeedno, ogolaandoonin, raalina ka ahayn aqoonyahanada, culumaa’udiinka iyo siyaasiyiinta ka soo jeeda Qowmiyadda/Beesha Qowmiyadda Banaadiriga ee ku nool wadanka gudihiisa iyo dibadiisaba.
Waxaanu codsanaynaa anagoo tixraacayna Dastuurka, in dhulkeena hooyo uu noqdo dhul federaal ah, taasina ku salaysan sida dastuurka ku cad, federaalkana in micnihiisu lagu dhaqmo, ha ahaato, maamulka, siyaasada, mumatil nimada iwm.
Waxaan ku adkaysanaynaa haddii aan nahay Guddiga Banaadiriga ee Italy, in nalaga daayo maquuninta iyo xadgudubka nalagu hayo muddo laga joogo 17sanadood, waxaan kaloo cadaynaynaa in magaceenu yahay Qowmiyadda/Umadda/Bessha Banaadiriga, oo aan marnaba ogolaan doonin magacyo ay iska soo handasaan dad aan xaqba u lahayn.
Guddiga Banaadiriga ee Dalka Talyaaniga (ACBI)
Italy, Rome August 1, 2007

2007-07-31T10:10:00.000-07:00

Warqad furan ku socota Madaxweynaha, Ra'iisul wasaaraha Soomaaliya iyo shirgudoomiyaha shirka dib u heshiisiinta ...
(Written in Somali)

Ku Madaxweynaha DFKS Fadhigiisa Muqdisho
Ku Ra’iisul Wasaaraha DFKS Fadhigiisa Muqdisho
Ku Shirguddoomiyaha shirka dib u heshiisiinta beelaha daga dhulka Soomaaliyeed Muqdisho

Ujeeddo : soo dhaweyn go’aanka cusub ee la xiriir magaca others in la baabi’iyo & u dirid DFKS codsi adag ee la xiriira dhulka Banaadiriga, xuquuqdooda iyo inayan maamulin gobolkooda dad koyta ah

Walaalayaal waxaan shaki ku jirin in shirwaynahan uu yahay kii oogu horeeyay ee waddanka gudihiisa lagu qabto muddo haatan laga joogo 17 sannadood, oo ay maalin waliba qolooyin qabsanayeen magaala madaxda dhulkeena hooyo.
Shir dheer oo socday laba maalmood oo lagu qabtay magaalada Talyaaniga, ayaa waxay go’aansadeen, guddoonka Urur Dhaqmeedka Banaadir ee Dalka Talyaaniga (UDBDT), inay soo gudbiyaan rayigooda iyo sida ay u arkaan xaalada maanta waddanka ka jirta iyo sidii loo soo celin lahaa kala danbeyntii, sharaftii, xuquuqdii ay beel waliba lahayd iyo in beel waliba loo soo celiyo xaqeeda oo aan afka layska marin.
Guddoonka Beesha Banaadiri ee Talyaaniga (UDBDT), waxay soo jeedinayaan arimaha hoos ku xusan:
- In laga raali galiyo qowmiyada Banaadiriga seedbursiga loo gaysatay doorashadii lagu soo doortay xildhibaanada dhulkeena hooyo, heshiiskii oogu dambeeyay ee Nayroobi /Kenya;
- In wasaaradaha DFKS ee dhulkeena hooyo loo qaybiyo si xaq ah, oo laga dheeraado seedbursiga, iyo in wax laga badalo wasaaradaha oo idil ee loo dhiibay beelaha hubaysan kaliya;
- Inay DFKS, iska xilsaarto, sidii, si xaq ah loogu soo celin lahaa dhulka banaadir dadka u dhashay oo aan shaki ku jirin inay yihiin qabaa’ilada asalkoodu yahay carab ee dhisay magaalooyinka oogu facweyn, uguna qiimo weyn ee ku yaala waddanka guddihiisa gaar ahaan koofurta Soomaaliya, qaba’ilada Bantuga ah, kuwa loo yaqaan Kushitiga iyo Baajuunta;
- In maamulka gobolka Banaadir, iyo magaalooyinkiisa oo ka kooban – Muqdish, Daafeed, Marka, Baraawe, Kisimayao, jasiiradaha Baajuun ilaa iyo magaalada xuduuda la leh Kenya oo ah Raskiyamboni, loo daayo maamulkeeda Banaadiriga u dhashay oo xaqa u leh inay ayaga maamulaan dhulkooda iyo magaalooyinkooda;
- Maadaama ay DKFS ku guddo jirto xal u helida dhulkeena hooyo, iyo nabadeynta qabaa’ilada iyo xasiloonid u raadinta dhulkeena hooyo, waxaa codsi adag naga ah in nalaga daayo xaqdarada iyo in maalin kasta na’iloo raadiyo shaqsiyaad aan u dhalan dhulkeena Banaadir,ahayna Banaadiri si ay u maamulaan magaalooyinkeena iyo gobolka Banaadir;
Waxaan rajaynaynaa inay DFKS, ay noqoto mid si xaq ah wax u qaybisa, soo afjartana awooda iyo seed bursiga ay lahaayeen/leeyihiin beelaha hubaysan, kuwaasoo 17sannadood ee dagaalka sokeeye ku xad gudbay qowmiyadda Banaadiriga.
In loo xil saaro maxkamad gaar ah, dhacii, boobkii, kufsigii iyo waxyaabihii insaanimada ka baxsanaa ee loo gaystay qowmiyadda Banaadiriga.
Inaan la samayn doorasho, noockastaba ha ahaatee ee dhulka Banaadiriga, ilaa iyo intii ay ka soo noqonayaan beesha xaqa u leh, oo dadkeeda badankiisa si xoog ah looga eryay dhulkooda.
Anagoo ku hanweyn, rajaynaynana in DFKS, ay noqoto mid daacad ah, kana duwan kuwii hore ee la soo dhaafay, waxaanu idinka sugaynaa jawaab adag, oo dhaqsi ah, si aan u ogaano wadciga, iyo sida ay DFKS oogu danaynayso beelaha aan hubaysanayn, kuwaasoo walow xataa haddii ay ka badan yihiin beelaha kale lagu tilmaamo, beelaha laga tiro badan yahay, arintanoo ayana ah mid aan dhab ahayn.
Guddoonka Qowmiyadda Banaadiriga ee Dalka Talyaaniga (ACBI)
Italy/Rome, 29-07-07

2007-06-22T11:02:00.000-07:00

A St. Pauls doctor uses his art to tell medical stories
By Tina Ray
The Sandspur
http://sandspuronline.com/article?id=265414
http://www.markacadeey.com/

Sandspur photo by Andrew Craft
Dr. Mohamed Osman stands in front of
two of his paintings, ‘Serenity,’ left, and
‘Hope,’ in the waiting room of Primary
Care of St. Pauls.

ST. PAULS -- Dr. Mohamed Osman of St. Pauls meshes art with medicine. A native of Merka, Somalia, he came to America in 1992 to practice medicine and to distribute his artwork.

He spent his last two years abroad as a physician with the United Nations in Somalia and began to practice family medicine in Ohio in 1995.

Osman worked for practices in Wade and Fayetteville before opening his own office, Primary Care of St. Pauls, in March 2005. The office is located at 125 Broad St.

He said that art is linked to medicine and he is not the first doctor to paint about medical issues.

Rembrandt painted about anatomical human dissection, Osman said. One of Rembrandt's most famous works was done in 1632. It was called "Doctor Tulp's Lesson in Anatomy."

Osman said he believes that art can illustrate medicine. Images tell the story that people cannot arti culate.

He has worked to "create as many images as possible in health issues."

In one of his images, called "Bipolar Disorder," a person's head is divided vertically in half. In the corner of the left and right side of the brain are images depicting fire and ice.

In another called "Breast Cancer," the symmetry of a woman's chest is distorted. Her hair has nearly disappeared from her scalp due to stress and treatment.

In a painting called "Infertility," a condition that he said is often disdained in his native African culture, a woman is constantly overwhelmed by the number of pregnant bellies in her midst.

Osman has painted about 70 topics related to medicine, and his work has been well received. His paintings have appeared on the cover of the Kaiser Permanente Medical Journal and "The Law of the Somalis: A Stable Foundation for Economic Development in the Horn of Africa."

In 2005, he was a featured artist of the Arts Council of Fayettevi lle/Cum berla nd County, where his color, acrylic paintings brought to life the agony of young AIDS victims.

Notwithstanding Osman's artistic pursuits, it was the love of patients that brought him to St. Pauls.

"I go to work every morning at 6 a.m. and read two hours a day to be able to provide best care for this community," he said.

It is a community he has found to be plagued with diabetes, high blood pressure and obesity.

When Osman reads the numbers given out by the spirometer, a device that measures a person's breath, some patients struggle with the machines results. They struggle with being newly diagnosed with lung disorders such as emphysema or asthma.

Yet, Osman tells them, "It's not me telling you. It's the machine. We teach. We explain."

But, when a patient is a borderline diabetic or a high blood pressure candidate or stricken with any chronic disease, Osman offers them counseling.

For instance, he warns that recurring circulation problems may lead to limb amputation. It is one of the downfalls of having untreated or unmanaged diabetes.

“We made a difference in their lives. They were not getting a lot of good care,” he said of residents in St. Pauls prior to his arrival.

Osman said that he was instrumental in bringing a dialysis treatment center to St. Pauls.

A typical day in his office may be filled with checkups for some patients. On this day, a male patient was in for follow-up lab work that included blood sugar testing and a circulation check to determine blood flow in his legs.

Another was in for a hypertension test.

Osman also provides adult, child and DOT health physicals, child immunizations and contraception management. He has an on-site laboratory to be able to quickly give out patients’ results.

He has five people on staff, including his wife, Natalie. He met her when they were both medical students in Tver, Russia.

Osman is fluent in five other languages besides English, including his native Somalian, Spanish, Italian, Russian and Arabic. He said it helps him communicate with patients.

As a 9-year-old boy growing up in Somalia, Osman watched his mother die of an illness that was never diagnosed because the family could not find a practicing physician.

He remembers her wearing long sleeves in the summer and shivering, so he believes it was a fever-related illness.

He went into medicine, he said, so no family would have to search for a doctor and to save others because he was not able to save his mother.

“I came here to help, and that was my intentions,” he said.

For more information on Osman’s practice and paintings, visit his Web site at www.primarycareofstpauls.com.

Staff writer Tina Ray can be reached at rayt@sandspuronline.com or 426-7787.

2007-06-08T11:43:00.000-07:00

Buwe and his stone anchor-shanks paintings
(by Nuredin Hagi Scikei)

Buwe, whose real name is Mohamed Osman, is a Banaadiri from Marka. He lives and works in the U.S.A.. He is a painter who seems to have decided to carry the burden of all the grief Horn of Africa. He’s been trying to help Somali women with his art for years. His canvases are often gun shots that get us down to earth and force us not to forget a grieving humanity we prefer not to look at, since it grieves us too.
But he doesn’t forget his origins, he wants to keep helping the others without being asked to deny his people’s, the Banaadiris, aspiration to freedom. His paintings are a delirium of colours and each one deserves a respectful attention. But also in this article, I will keep considering the paintings he dedicated to the Banaadiris in particular.
It is just watching at lenght this series of paintings dedicated to the Banaadiris, that one understands how true the statement by Derek Walcott was, when he got his Nobel prize for literature in 1992: «The love the fragments of a broken vase are put back together with, is stronger than the one which created the symmetry assuring its wholeness».
In the Garesa museum (whose collections have been impoverished, sold or destroyed by the Somalis), there were, once, two rocks, and few knew what they were. They were stone anchor-shanks, which is heavy rocks that were put on the seabed (or on the beach) to moor ships. They were shaped like truncated cones and had two holes as fairleads for the mooring lines. Until a century ago, they were used by ships when they had to stay offshore for a long time and the anchor alone didn’t guarantee complete safety. This makes us understand that the Banaadiris managed their ports together with experts who would work together and were well organized. All Buwe’s paintings are for us a stone anchor-shank where we can moor with a tight grip, that part of our history he was a witness of. We are living a historical period when the Somalis want to convince the world and the most ignorant people that the Banaadiris are only those who live in two Mogadishu areas. The Somalis daydream in a bad way. Also Buwe reminds them of that. Not any painter, but the most important Banaadiri painter who has ever lived. And, by sheer chance, he is not even from Mogadishu but from Marka, a town 50 km far from the capital.
Buwe portrayes a humanity which is unknown to the Horn of Africa art. For example, in A Benadiri we see the portray of a man who never had the honour to be portrayed with his bright white kofya and juuq. His traits are unmistakable. His very complexion, able to capture the light and reflect it with other tonalities, tells us he is a man of the coast. He could be our father or an uncle. All Banaadiris have a relative who looks like him. Portraying those traits together with those clothes, Buwe is recovering the tonality of the coastal people’s bright complexion, as well as making the white, in all its shades, live again, from that of wet plaster to that darkened by weather through time. If I were a professional art critic, to find out this artist’s teachers, maybe I would have mentioned Picasso, Matisse or the sculptor Costantin Brancusi. But I’d rather linger over the analysis of the impact his art is making on the Banaadiri culture and history. And if I really have to find teachers, then I’d rather think that Yementite chromosomes woke up in him and are guiding his hand. Indeed, the Yemenite figurative production, a thousand years old, mostly the works from the Qataban and Sheba reigns, was ruled by a precise aesthetic canon, such as the disproportion of body shapes and the sketchy descriptions of body traits, compared to the accuracy of the face details. And we can mostly see this style in the picture The coastal people 1, where the big eyes, the long and pointed noses are set in the purest ovals, just as in the Yemenite alabaster sculptures shown in figures.
But this child of Merca, at this stage of his artistic production, prefers giving space to the evocative power of colours. He likes to set fire to his canvases with red, orange and yellow, and then to dampen this effect with blue. In Marka all the dominant colours of Banaadir are represented: the white of the buildings, the red of the soil and the blue of the sea. The air is clear, in the distance you can see someone who’s going to take a swim, and you can almost hear the caawing of the seagulls’ hoarse and broken cries. Here peace is painted. Those figures you see leaning on the doorposts are women who, while keeping an eye on their children playing outside and seizing the chance to have a chat, check the sauce, which they are surely cooking for all their large families’ lunch, doesn’t burn. When the mothers don’t have time to keep an eye on the kids playing outside, they let them spend their time on the terrace. In the picture Friendship, you can admire the sweet relaxation of two children chatting. They are crouched and relaxed behind the embattled rail of the terrace. The sweet torpor permeating the atmosphere of that terrace disappears in that of A Benadiri family. Colours are definite, the white is still the one before the tragedy: candid and without stains. But I don’t think that family is admiring the bloody sunset. Their postures are stiff, still, typical of those who hear ominous echoes. Banaadiri terraces were the women’s reigns. Their floor, untill late night, is never completely clear, there are always carpets, pillows, trays, glasses, tea-pots, dishes and cutlery. The terrace of this picture is completely clear. It is still early to get back inside. This is a bad omen.
In Terror we are already inside the tragedy, and the colours are stony. Darkness and blackness hold the whole canvas as a hostage. But those white walls, even though chipped and fatally hurt, stoically resist and hide the throbbing hearts of terrified women whose presence is brought to our attention by moving coloured headscarves gathering up their hair.
In Destruction of Mogadishu, instead, violence has already been perpretrated. Desolation as far as the eye can see. Ferocity and atrocity fight each other to get the hub. Bodies are on the floor. One wonders whether they are dead or living dead? Are they lifeless bodies or violated bodies unable to realise what happened to them? And is that woman, with a club in her hand, going towards the white and halfdestroyed houses, the new Somali tenant from the bush? The one whose children, brothers and relatives were unable to make a land ten times bigger and more generous than Banaadir strout? Is that woman a relative of those men who were unable to supply themselves with boats to go fishing on the boundless sea of their area abounding in fish? Is that woman a relative of those people who built their hunger with their own hands, day after day, and don’t even have the decency to admit that?
The evacuation is hell. The towns on the coast burn, the Banaadiris have lost their heads, for this gratuitous and unexpected violence. They are seeking safety on board any ship. They flee and drown. The ocean never had piety for those who loose their heads. It doesn’t care a bit about innocent Banaadiris. “If you dared brave me without knowing me, you will repent of that” the ocean seems to yell with rage. Only we, the living, get sick seeing those brothers and sisters of ours floating lifeless like seaweed freshly plucked from the seabed by the waves. Only we, the living, will take and spread the image and the story of that cruelty which pushed those bodies to be eaten by fish.
But those who stayed in town without defending themselves didn’t have a better fate. The picture Violence1 reminds us of that. It is the theater of the elimination of a life. In this work, which will mark the evocative power of the Banaadiri art forever, Buwe goes back to the colours he prefers: white, red and blue. Now, though, they are mixed up with black and the scene gets dismal. It is the painting where the artist used the movement of bodies with more strength than in any others. The strokes are long, never ending. The colours flow over all the disgusting nudity of the raper. He must have suffered painting that monster, as we suffer looking at this work. Under that wicked person there’s a Banaadiri woman defending herself, in despair, alone. It is a violence which parted Somali and Banaadiri for good. Perhaps the two peoples will learn to stand each other and to live together but they won’t ever merge into one people anymore.
What makes this work even more dramatic and unsettling is the white buildings you can see on the background. Those buildings represent the Banaadiris in the flesh witnessing, incredulous and terror-struck, that rape. Their solemn nobility is equal to their lack of consciousness. That consciousness Buwe and we all want to be regained by any means and at any price because our survival is at stake.

2007-03-25T10:41:00.000-07:00

The rights of the Southern Somali indigenous people
By: Mohamed Ahmed benadir_star@yahoo.co.uk
http://yementimes.com/article.shtml?i=1035&p=letters&a=1

Somalia’s president agreed last month to a national reconciliation conference to try to end 16 years of anarchy in the war-ravaged country after intense pressure from the EU, USA, AL and UN. The current proposal is a good thing, but what I suggest to the international community, is not to honor only the armed clans and those who have committed human rights abuses in Somalia. What about the hitherto occupied and victimized Southern Somali indigenous communities? Instead of rewarding only the warmongers, the international community should consider also inviting these indigenous communities to the table for a genuine and inclusive reconciliation process.

Who are the Southern Somali indigenous communities?

Hereinafter known as the Banaadiri people, consist of various socio-cultural groups who forged throughout the centuries a common tradition to live in peace and harmony.

That, because of its history, conquest, colonization, migrations, and forced displacements, the Somali nation is multi-ethnic, multicultural and multilingual in nature.

The indigenous peoples of the Banaadir have been particularly subject to de facto levels of discrimination, exploitation and injustice, on account of their origin, culture and language and that, like many other sectors of the national community, they have to endure unequal and unjust treatment and conditions on account of their economic and social status.

This historical reality has affected and continues to affect these peoples profoundly, denying them the full exercise of their rights and political participation, and hampering the configuration of a national unity which should adequately reflect the rich and diversified structure of Somalia with its wealth of values.

That until this problem affecting the Somali society is resolved, its economic, political, social and cultural potential will never be able to develop fully and neither will it be able to take its place in the community of nations due to it by virtue of its ancient history and the spiritual grandeur of its peoples.

That it will be possible to eliminate oppression and discrimination in Somalia only if due recognition is given to all aspects of the identity and rights of the peoples who have inhabited and continue to inhabit it, all of whom are components of its present reality and protagonists in its development, in all senses.

I conclude that the international community should avoid empowering individuals who abused the country and the society for over decades. This will only lead to a wider marginalization of the silent majority in this long conflict and will be a recipe for disaster.

Mohamed Ahmedbenadir_star@yahoo.co.uk

2007-03-04T01:42:00.000-08:00

MASJID FAQRUDDIIN:
BANAADIRI-UZBEK BLOOD TIES
(by Nuredin Hagi Scikei)

I will never be tired of saying that my research has the aim of waking up the Banaadiris so that they might safeguard their historical settlements from the thirst for destruction and from the envy of the Somalis, who did their best (without succeeding) to wipe out the Banaadiri civilization and people from the Horn of Africa. The Banaadiris don’t need any protectors, they have the strength and the power to stop the evil that has been causing bloodshed in their country for many years but they must never again split for trivial motives.
Everybody knows that the Yemenites invented Banaadir but everybody also knows that the Banaadiri civilization received its propelling thrust, as far as progress is concerned, by other Asiatic and African peoples . Up to now, only the contribution of the Iranians was certain but Masjid Faqruddiin brings us to a much more remote country like Uzbekistan.
Masjid Faqruddiin was built in 1269 by a man named Hagi bin Muhammad bin Abdallah. The roof of the mosque is surmounted by a pointed dome and a pyramidal one, both on the same axis with the mihrab. These domes mark two paths from the outside: one is geometrical, and it is that which leads to the mihrab, the other is spiritual and marks the path of faith.
It took me time to understand which was the country from which the architect of the Faqruddiin Masjid was. One day, in Bologna, I helped an English tourist and his family, all of them from Chechnya, find a hotel in a difficult period. Walking around we had the chance of talking about a book I was reading and that I had in my hands, “Hadhrami traders, scholars and statesmen in the Indian Ocean” by U. Freitag and Clarence-Smith. When we were about to say goodbye, that Chechen-English gentleman told me “you should investigate the history of Central Asia as well. As far as I know, in past centuries, in Mogadishu the Yemenites were followed by some Uzbek and Chechen emigrants and by people from Baluchistan. Thus you Banaadiris are of Yemenite descent but also Uzbek, Chechen and Baluchi”. At the beginning I thought those were words spoken by a distinguished Muslim gentleman who, touched by the attention I had payed to him and to his family, wished me to feel part of his people. When I got back home it occurred to me that many Banaadiri women had some ancient “Bukhara jewels”. I’m embarassed to confess that this mythical city in Uzbekistan hadn’t ever meant much to me until I found out that the Chasmah Ayub mausoleum is there (the second figure).
The Chasmah Ayub mausoleum roof is decorated in a way very similar to that of the Faqruddiin Masjid! The Banaadiri architect-engineer of the Faqruddiin Masjid had most likely Uzbek origins. The architects that built the Faqruddiin Mosque and the Chasma Ayub mausoleum shared the same cultural background. How else could it be possible that two engineers created two works so similar one to the other even though they were so far apart, without having in common the same school of thought?
True, the domes of the Chasmah Ayub mausoleum were built in different periods from the XIV to the XVI centuries, but it is also true that the mausoleum was rebuilt between 1379 and 1385 on an older structure. Timur the cripple (better known as Tamerlane), the famous commander who reigned, from 1370 to 1405, on an immense empire going from China to Syria, ordered it.
Bukhara is one of the legendary cities which are along the “silk route”, and its origins date back to 2,500 years ago. It lived its best period under the Samanid dynasty in the X century. The worst period was in 1220, when the Mongolians shed blood on the land and filled the air with a deadly smell. Despite that, nowadays, with just 300,000 inhabitants, it still has 500 architectural monuments in different styles.
To make this hypothesis even more fascinating there is the fact that, in 604 H./1207-1208, the historian Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) wrote down in his Kitab al-’Ibar that many people fled from Tashkent (Uzbekistan), heading for Cairo, Baghdad and Mogadishu. Among these refugees there were men with high professional abilities. Thus Mogadishu became a refuge for skilled and literate men who fled Bukhara, Samarcanda or Persia, before the Mongols killed or enslaved them. Craftsmen migrating from those area, imported the Arab-Persian architectural and decorative traditions.
That is a further confirmation that the Banaadiris have blood ties also with Central Asia as well, and that the history of this people is much more intriguing than it is commonly thought.
The Banaadiri rulers by opening up their court and administration to all Muslims of spiritual repute, skill and talent, showed they had a strong political wisdom. But, if the credit for such enlightened philanthropy went to the rulers, the open-mindedness were the achievement of the educated Banaadiri community.

Bibliography:

2007-02-03T11:30:00.000-08:00

SHUKRAN

Dear brothers and sisters,

I’m really moved by the high opinion you have of me and by the recognition you considered me worthy of. My heartfelt congratulations to the person who had the idea of starting this prize and to those who supported it as they understood the importance of such an honour. Sixteen years ago, when i began my struggle for the Banaadiris, I had few references and I had to make mistakes and correct them myself. Thus I think this is a prize whose importance goes way beyond my merits, since it conveys a powerful message, mostly addressed to young people. With this prize the Banaadiris say, ultimately, “From now on anyone who pledges himself or herself to enriching and defending the Banaadiri culture, dignity and freedom will never be left unassisted”. Well, now young people do have references to attain, to improve and to overcome. I also hope this prize will become a yearly event and will become more and more important, so that everyone will vie in helping his/her own people: the Banaadiris.
A long time ago, on my Yemenite ancestors’ sailing ships, a character known as ahl sadr al-samar was always taken on board, and his only duty was to keep the crew awake. Up to a few years ago the journey Yemen-Banaadir-Iran-India was very dangerous. The Indian Ocean wouldn’t stand cowards and punished any little mistakes made by the sailors. That was particularly true on the long and treacherous night crossings, when the star lights became intense in the sky and the Indian Ocean became ghastly, an expanse of luminous seaweeds and shining spots like the irises of felines, and the ship crew could fall asleep as a result of boredom or fatigue. The vessel ran the risk of getting stranded and wrecked. To avert this disaster, the ahl sadr al-samar (the waking men), kept the crew awake telling them every kind of stories, recalling ancient epics and reciting qasiida (poems) written by them or others.
But when night threatened to turn into a shroud and its silence conveyed anxiety and terror, or a storm forced the sailors to brave waves as high as mountains with their ships, the ahl sadr al-samar helped their shaken hearts to conquer panic and defeat fear.
The task I have given myself for many years is similar to the ahl sadr al samar’s: I must keep the crew awake and watchful so that the Banaadiri ship won’t go adrift and get wrecked.
I decided to fight for the people who raised me, fed me, taught me, protected me and brought me up in happiness. I decided to fight for people that have no voice. And if I succeed in convincing the runaways not to desert the weakest and not to repudiate their identities, then I shall be even happier.
I confess I’ve often felt as if I were a bard, a ballad-singer, standing in a corner of a dusty market, amongst the whisperings of a resigned crowd, and began to sing at the top of my voice a story nobody was interested in.
To know for certain now that many people think my work hasn’t been useless, rewards me for all the sacrifices and humiliations I have suffered in the attempt to defend the freedom, the dignity and the identity of my people: the Banaadiris.
Thank you for everything,
Nuredin Hagi Scikei

2007-01-30T11:07:00.000-08:00

Maxamed Abbas:

“Dhibaatada Ugu Weyn Waxaa Loo Geystey Beelaha Banaadiriga…”

http://www.idamaale.com/view_article.php?articleid=5443

Maxamed Cabbaas Guddoomiyaha Beelaha Banaadiriga Ee Taliyaaniga.
01/29/07Idamale - Idamale News
Waraysi Mohamed Abbas oo isagu ka mid ah Waxgaradka iyo Aqoonyahanada ku dhaqan Dalka Talyaaniga, kana soo Jeeda Beelaha Banaadiriga ayaanu ka waraysanay Xaalada Beelaha banaadiriga iyo isbadal haduu jiraba Dowlada Federaalka.
1-Idamaale'' Mohamed sidee u aragtaa isbedelada ka dhacay Dalka iyo Koonfurta Soomaaliya? Jawaab-

Waxaan u arkaa isbedelkan mid cusub ee dhulkeena hooyo ku soo siyaaday tan iyo 16kii sanno ee ugu dambeeyay, waxaan u arkaa arin waafi ah. Balse waxaa jira arimo aan hoosta ka xariiqaayo. 16kii sannadood ee la soo dhaafay waxaa nolosheena ku soo biirtay dhibaatooyin culus, waxaan shaki ku jirin in waddankeenu ka dhacay dagaal sokeeye, balse dhibaatooyinka oogu culus loo gaystay beelaha banaadiriga, ayagoo si kadis ah lagu soo weeraray looguna yimi dhulkooda. Taa ka dib ayaa waxaa dhacday in lagu sameeyo barakicin, xasuuq, cunsuriyad, dhac, boob dil iyo waxyaabo kale oo aan halkan lagu soo koobi karin. Waxaanu aragnay oo aanu marqaati ka nahay in lagu tuntay dhaqaalihii waddanka, in beelo qaar loo gaystay isticmaar iyo in dhalin yaro tiro badan aanay arag wax la yiraaho iskuul, waxbarasho Iwm, ayagoo ah kuwo aan ka gaarasho lahayn. Sidaas darteed arimaha aan soo xusay daraadood waxaan shaki ku jirin in isbedelkasta ee ka duwan inta aan soo xusay yihiin mid qofkasta oo banii'aadam ahi ku abuura inuu mustaqbilka u arko si xasiloon nabadina ku jirto.
2-Idamaale'' Mohamed Midowgii Maxaakimiinta Maamulkoodii wax horumar ah oo la taaban karo oo ay Beelihiina ku soo kordhiyeen ma jiraan, hadii ay noqon lahayd xoriyatul qowlka, ama xoriyada dhaq dhaqaaqa, iyo amnigaba?
Jawaab-Waxaa marka hore muhiim ah in hoosta laga xariiqo, inay ku yiraahdeen baanidiriga dacwada badan inta aad iska dhaaftaan hub qaata, sidaa darteed markii 6dii bilood oogu dambaysay ay dhalinyaro badan oo banaadiri ah hubka qaateena waxaa yaraaday ku xadgudubyadii hore ee tirada badnaa. Waxyaabaha aanu kaga soo horjeesan karo maxaakiimta ayaa ah, inay isticmaalaayeen luqad adag, inay cadaaladu ka dhigteen mid ayaga sida ay rabaan ka yeela. Sidaa darteed haddii aan rabno inaan si dhab ah u garano sida ay ku qabsadeen muddo yar gudaheeda dhulka kooofurta soomaaliya ayagoon qaadin dagaal culus, sida ay ooga heleen soo dhawayn furan mujtamaca, waa inaanu darasnaa dhaqdhaqaaqoodu sida uu ahaa. Waxaanse kuu sheegayaa anaga meesha ay ka joogeen iyo haddii ay wax qabteen iyo haddii kaleba waa xisaab aanu dib u dhiganayno, maxaa yeelay ma'aha in la ilaabo in dad badani leeyihiin inay dhalinyaro ka kaxaysteen kooxaha maxaakiimta ahaa.
Idamaale-Mohamed sidee u aragtaa qaabka 4.5 ee awooda dalka lagu qaybsaday, maadaama aanu ognahay in Beelaha aad ka soo jeedo ay dagaan inta u dhaxaysa Kismanyo ilaa iyo Gobolka Banaadir?
Jawaab-Tani waa mid ay beesha banaadirigu u arkaan aflagaado/meel ka dhac iyo ku xad gudub, maxaa yeelay ma'aha inaan ilowno in DFKS ku dhisan tahay qabiil oo ay baarlamaanka xildhibaanada fadhiya yihiin kuwo matalaaya qabaa'ilo kala duwan. Waxaa kaloo xusid muddan in 90meeyadii shir ka mid ah shirarkii oogu horeeyay ee dibada lagu qabto lana xiriiray dib u heshiisiinta beelaha soomaaliyeed, in hogaamiyayaasha banaadiriga lagu afduubtay Muqdisho, ayadoo la yiri soomaali ma tihiin oo maka qayb gali kartaan shir dib u heshiisiin soomaali, shirkaasi oo baaqday markii odayaal Daarood ah ay yiraahdeen haddii ay halkan ka maqan yihiin beesha banaadirigu anagu shir ma fariisanayno. Taa ka dib in lagu soo daayay si qasab ah oo ay ka qaybgaleen shirkii.
Waxaan shaki ku jirin in soomaaliya taariikh ahaan ay keeneena xadaarada iyo diinta islmaaka badankeeda rag/haween banaadiri ah, xadaardaasoo ku fidsantay marka laga bilaabo xeebaha soomaaliyeed ilaa iyo mosambiiko.
Waxaa kaloo xusid muddan in 1500 C.D. isticmaarka Boortoqiiska ahaa isku dayay inuu Muqdisho yimaado, ayadoo markii uu arakay daaro dhaadheer ee ka dhisan iyo ciidanka ay lahaayeen banaadiriga deganaa waqtigaa dhulka banaadir ee loo yaqiinay Banaadir, ka baqay inuu u soo dhowaado kuna gaaracay kaliya taangiyo u saaraa maraakiibtooda (akhri taariikhda geeska Afrka – gaar ahaan Vasco Da Gamma).
Walaal anagu ma rabno inaan maamulno soomaaliya oo madaxweynihii waxaa qaatay beel, ra'iisul wasaare waxaa qatay beel kale, wasiiradii iyo xildhibaanadii waxaa qaybsaday beelaha ka yimi gobolada aan eheen banaadir. Hadaba waxaa muhiim ah in gobolka banaadir oo ah laga bilaabo Muqdisho ilaa xuduuda Kenya maamulkeeda loo daayo dadka u dhashay. Waxaa kaloo muhiim ah in beelaha kale ay isku noqdaan oo xishoodaan, maadaama ay wadda qaybsadeen kuraastii maamulka wadanka oo idil ayagoon marnaba eegin xaalada beelaha aan hubaysnayn.
Idamaale-Mohamed sidee u aragtaa Magacaabida Gobolka Banaadir loo Magacaabay nin ka soo jeeda Beesha Banaadiriga ?

Jawaab-Walaal waxaa muhiim ah inaan isku qaldin sida wadciga yahay iyo waxyaabaha ka dhacay dhulkeena hooyo gaar ahaan gobolka banaadir. Hadaba si aan u garano waxaa muhiim ah inaan marka hore isla meel ghigno yaa Banaadiri ah yaanse ahayn. Gobolka Banaadir waa gobol baaxadiisu yartahay marka loo barbardhigo gobolada kale ee dhulkeena hooyo, ayadoo magaalooyinkiisu ka kooban yihiin Warshiikh, Muqdisho, Marka, Baraawa, Kisimaayo, ilaa raaskiyambooni xuduuda koonfureed ee Soomaaliya.
Beesha loo yaqaan Banaadiri ayaa ah kuwo ka kooban dad asalkoodu yahay carab, kuwa kushiiti ah, bantu iyo kuwo kale. Hadaba anagoo tixraacayna doorashadii 2004 ee dowladda iyo baarlamaanka soomaaliyeed oo ahaa nidaam federali ah in waddanka ku dhisan yahay, waxaan matal ahaan u soo qaadanaynaa tusaalahan '' Haddii nin digil amaba mirifle ah dago Garoowe, ma wuxuu noqonayaa Daarood? Jawaabtu waa maya.
Waxaan u aragnaa arin aan la qaadan karin in loo magacaabo duqa magalada Muqdisho sida war nagu soo gaaray nin mataalaaya qabaa'ilada baabi'iyay dhulka banaadir iyo banaadirigaba, sidaas darteed duq magaalada muqdisho waa nin walaalkeen ah islaam ahaan, balse haddii ay run tahay khabaarka aan Xamar ka helnay ma'aha nin banaadiri ah. Waxaa diyaar u nahay in aan garano wadciga adag ee siyaasadeed, milatary ee DKFS ku jirto marka loo eego magaalooyinka isticmaarka lagu haystay 16sanno oo ay ka mid tahay Muqdisho.
Sidaas darteed waxaanu ka dhowraynaa DKFS caalaamooyin siyaasadeed oo muhiim ah kana duwan tan ilaa iyo haatan ay soo gaarsiisay beesha banaadiriga. Madaxweyne Cabdullaahi dhowr jeer ayuu yiri/qorayna in beesha banaadirigu yihiin dad lagu xadgubay, ee dhibaatooyin adag loo gaystay, waajib muqadas ahna ku tahay in soomaalida oo idil ay ka raali galiso dhibaatooyinkaasi.
Waxaana kuu sheegayaa ilaa iyo maantadan ma jirto magaalo ka tirsan dhulka banaadir oo ay maamulaan beesha banaadiriga rag/haween u dhashay.
Raali galinta kor ku xusan ayaa noqon karta in maamulka magaalooyinka banaadir (Warshiikh, Muqdisho, Marka, Baraawe, Kismaayo ilaa iyo Raaskiyambooni) loo daayo beesha banaadiriga.
Idamaale-Mohamed sida aanu ognahay Beelaha Banaadirigu waa beelo aan hubaysnayn, hadana aan jeclayn dagaalka iyo is qab qabsiga, sidaa aawadeedna ay in badan oo ka mida aduunka qaxootinimo ugu carareen, hadaba ma laga yaabaa hada maadaam Dowladii ay dalka intiisa badnayd ka taliso in aad dalkii dib ugu noqotaan?
Jawaab-Beesha banaadir dagaalkii sokeeye ka dib waxay si fara badan oogu qaxeen waddama qalaad, ayagoo raadinaya inay ku nabad galaan. Waa mujtamac hantidoodii afka layska mariyay, tirakoob qiyaas ah oo aan samaynay ayaa muujiyay inay gaarayaan ilaa 700,000 kun qofood oo ah kuwa ku nool dibadaha, ka bilow Canada, Australia, Swisska, Ingriiska, Yemen, iyo waddamo kale oo tiro badan, balse ilaa iyo maantadan ma hayno tirakoob waddanka guddihiisa banaadirga ku nool.
Waxaa muhiim ah halkan in aan hoosta ka xariiqno in banaadirigu dagaalka ayan galin sabab u ahayd in magaalooyinkooda oo dhan isticmaar ku jireen. Nasiib daro waxay noqotay:
a-in dagaal kadis ah oo aan cidina sugayn lagu soo qaaday banaadirga,

b-inayan haysan Ayrabooro amaba Furdooyin ay hub ka soo dajiyaan, waayo sidaan kor ku soo xusay maagaalooyinka oo dhan ayaa ahaa kuwo ay ku tumanayeen mooryaano, tuugo iyo dagaal ogayaal ka yimi gobolo kale.
Idamaale-Guud ahaan Maxaad shacabka soomaaliyeed ee ku dhagaysanaya aad fari lahayd?

Shacabka soomaaliyeed, gaar ahaan beelaha kala duwan ee daga soomaaliya waxaan usoo jeedin lahaa in aanan ka fogaan waddamada Carabta ee walaaleheen ah.
Waxaa muhiim ah inaan marnaba ilaawin dowrka siyaasadeed, dhaqaale, cilmiyeed iyo horumar ay ka cayaareen waxbarashada iyo taqasuska shacabka dhulkeena hooyo, waxaa xusid mudan gaar ahaan iskuulaadka carab ee ka furaa soomaaliya, jaamcadaha carabta horumarka gaarsiiyeen mujtamceena.
Inaan ku dadaalno xiriir joogto oo waafi ah jaamacada carabta, sida aad wadda aragtaan midowga Yurub oo ah dowladdo isu tagay, waxay isu diyaarinayaan inay tartan la galaan USA,Cina iyo Hind.
Sidaas darteed waxaan ku talin lahaa haddii ay DFKS wax naga maqlayso inay ku dadaasho arimaha soo socda:
Xiriir diblomaasi joogta inay la lahaato waddamada carabta.
Maamulka gobolka banaadir oo ka kooban magaalooyinka aan kor ku soo xusnay inay awoodeeda iyo go'aankeeda lahaadaan dadka u dhashay oo ah banaadiriga dhabta ah ee aan ahayn koyto amaba dad la dagay taariikh ahaan banaadirga laftooda, Xiriirka waddamada Yurubta midowday oo aad u fiican in la adkeeyo.
Xiriika dowladda Talayaaniga in aan ku dadaalno inuu noqdo mid joogta ahIwm.
Idamaale News
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2007-01-17T10:58:00.000-08:00

Shangaani:

what it looked like at the end of the XIXth and at the beginning of the XXth centuries

(by Nuredin Hagi Scikei)

Many people wonder how it has been possible for Mogadishu to become the capital of a huge country, with an area of about 638,000 km2 and a coast 3,300 km long. A country, “Somalia”, which with its mere 9 million inhabitants (according to the most optimistic estimates) is virtually uninhabitated. Moreover, neither in Mogadishu nor in the whole Banaadiri region (which is the coastline that goes from the town of Warsheikh to the border with Kenya) there are any oil fields and ore bodies. Banaadir cannot even be considered as the most strategic area in the Horn of Africa.
Then why did the Somali pour into that region causing such violent tribal wars shed so much blood at the cost of destroying everything? The reason of such an interest can be found if you take a careful look at the picture I’m going to show you. The original is in black and white but I decided to colour it because that’s how it can reveal the the actual facts better. Nothing more has been added. The buildings are exactly those standing there at the beginning of the XXth century. Yes, it is an incredible and extraordinary picture from the beginning of the XXth century! Give it a close look. Look at it again and again, carefully. The picture shows one of the two historical nighbouroods of Mogadishu: Shangani. Everything you see was built in the course of centuries, at the cost of great sacrifices, by the Banaadiri. Not a single building was built by the Italian colonial administration. If the panoramic picture could have shown also the other historical nighbourood of Mogadishu, that is Hamarweyn, you could could have admired a sea of two or three-storey buildings made of coral stone and whitewashed.

Before the beginning of the colonial age Mogadishu was a well organized metropolis, under the strict control of its soldiers. Once also Marka, Brava, Kisimayo e Warsheikh, to mention only some of the most important towns, were like that.
This is a historical picture that in the future will enable scholars to reconstruct Shangani accurately, but what matters to me now is to make you see that Mogadishu became a capital because it had already been built. Those who occupied it and settled there didn’t have to build anything because the Banaadiri had taken care of that already, in more than a thousand years of sacrifices. Sure enough we can easily imagine that the building industry was well assessed.
Now, Shangani, this jewel of a neighbourood, whose buildings were, so to speak, laid on the beach by the Banaadiri engeneers, as if they were china plates, has been destroyed during the conflict among Somali tribes in 1991. Ironicallly, the chiefs and clans who destroyed Shangani (as other historical centres) and the lives of thousands of Baanadiri families, have become political stars. Many foreign journalists describe their deeds in an almost poetic way.

2006-12-29T11:36:00.000-08:00

The Mudhaffar Palace

by Nuredin Hagi Scikei

The graphic reconstruction is a useful tool because it enable us to imagine and respect
archaeological work injured by the negligence of the people and the government policies.
It is my hope that a mention of some of this ruins and archaeologic sites, rendered in town planning policy terms might therefore serve some illustrative and even deterrent purpose.
It’s in the interests of the social development to avoid to consider the cultural geography of the Horn of Africa as homogenous and reductively.
In trying to untangle the shape of the Mudhaffar Palace I have relied heavily on the existing of
scarce availability of data. Given the scope of and purpose of this paper I could not do otherwise.
I have, however, tried to resolve the major difficulties reasoning by analogy with other Arab buildings. The ruins of the photo (maybe a souvenir of the early 1900s) shows three gates on the same side of a wall. Furthermore, we must consider the originally front was too long. This particular suggest that was a special building. It is possible to propose several hypothesis: royal palace, military fortifies structure or caravanserai. Those constructions may have been of a courtyard type, as they were typologically connected with the military fortified structure and caravanserais, which characteristically did have that type of construction.
The caravanserais are disposed also on three or four floors, stables for animals or weapons, storehouse for goods on the two or three floors above and at the top lodgings for merchants.
The madrassas usually consist of a four cornered or square building and a system of internal arches developed around a central courtyard.
Substantially caravanserais resemble the madrassas in their construction, with the difference, that the ground floor of the former, instead of being destined for study, is turned into warehouses for goods.

In the fourteenth century, when Ibn Battuta arrived in Mogadishu, the ruler of the city Sheikh Abu Bakr, commanded that the visitor be entertained in a residence for students of religion.
And, if that famous madrasa is the same described ...........

2006-12-24T09:28:00.000-08:00

The Mihrab of Rasini.
The last masterpiece of Banaadiri sculpture
by Nuredin Hagi Scikei

The ancient heritage must be an integral part of the development of the concept of “Banaadiri”. It was not only to be seen as a the remains of ancient glory and cultural history, but also the burning desire to see our dreams come true.
The Banaadiri must reopen the whole question about the distribution of the political and executive power in order to regain control over of their land from Warsheekh to Kisimayo.
It's not possible to accept that only 5 million (perhaps even less) of Somaly tribes that proved unfit to manage and develop also their enormous region (that should be able to offer a future even for one hundred million people), pretend to extend their tyranny in the Southern region.

For that reason the task of protecting, conserving and reconstructing the historical urban fabric of Banaadir is urgent importance and needs to be a subject for discussion right now.
There is nothing amazing if the Italian scholar Grottanelli Vinigi L., in his book "Gerarchie etniche e conflitto culturale" (Franco Angeli Editore, Milano, 1976, p. 296) reported these informations:

[...] In Bur Kavo (or Bur Gaawo) it is not possible to collect traditions that refer to the ancient city. Its ancient inhabitants were wiped out by the Galla. The survivors who remained or returned in successive years, had to often submit to new pillages and new raids by the Somali. This is why Revoil believes that, in 1883, he found the village half-deserted; they told him that a year before the Kallallah (Kablalla, a tribe of Somali) had plundered the zone, killed ten men and dragged away all the women and children, forcing the greater part of the survivors to escape. History like this, of whose truth there is no reason to doubt, explains why the great part of the oral traditions is lost.

The ruins of the last Banaadiri’s masterpiece, a 20th-century Mihrab, lies in a state of neglect in the neighbourhood of Kisimayo. What a coincidence! All is happened when the Banaadiri’s faith comunity of Kisimayo had proclaimed its own presence even through holy place. As many people know, the shape of the mihrab is considered the most clear indicator that offers a useful key to understanding the level of the technical know-how of the local people.
We don’t know the name or the names of the authors of the mihrab of Rasini but, through the graphic reconstruction, we can appreciate that is a pearl of rare beauty of Muslim art in East Africa.
Look closely at this sculpture. The author have dug the shape into a single grey rock. Then look closely at the preparatory drawing made up by geometrical lines, their rhythmic and gradual movement: now you can imagine the cultural background of that (or those) architect-artist.
The poetry of this sculpture consists that the author have changed a shapeless mass in a compass that shows the right direction for the Muslim people.
I think that the challenge of the Banaadiri’s architecture is to rediscover the validity of the archetypes shaped by a specifically
Islamic tradition, and to reclaim the positive expressiveness of the sacred.

2006-11-25T03:13:00.000-08:00

Ancient ventilation technology in Banaadir

This short works has two main goals. The first is to reclaim our knowledge of Banaadir and its history, because we believe that only a detailed knowledge of the built form can create the basis for a coherent project of transformation. The second goal is to lay out ideas on the conservation of the cultural identity and the refusal of the forced homogenization.
For centuries many different nationalities, with different custom, language and dress, have lived as neighbours, peacefully sharing public space. In these sad times of intolerance and ethnic cleansing we have to look carefully at this region.

In this work I describe one of the elements of the vernacular architecture developed by the Banaadiri, over many generations, to provide a comfortable home environment thermoregulate using natural energy.
This particular architectural probably belongs to the last stage of Banaadiri creative freshness. It is not a spectacular architectural element but something still able to communicate its heritage with a more vigorous cultural convictions. However, the latest authors of the avant-corps seems are interpreters of the popular culture and traditions and we had the feeling that inherit from their ancestors something ignoring the reason for it was created.
In any case there is not much importance to know if the Banaadiri architects had achieved their purpose, but is more important to record the type of approach and the technical mentality with which the try to resolve the problems
The dust-laden air enters in avant-corps room in order to forced to spin in a vortex. Under the influence of centrifugal force the sandy particles strikes the wall of the avan-corps room and slip down onto the floor, wile the cleaned air goes up again and is picked up by one small opening and conducted inside the room. This is the same general principle of cyclone separator with which used for air pollution or the water filtration in the irrigation sector.

Graphic reconstruction (2006)
Section of the avant-corps room showing the ventilation of clean air generated by the “settlin basin”. The blue arrow simulate the clean air and the red arrow represent the dust-laden air.

Operation of cyclone.

Outline of “aerial well” that was planned by an Italian engineer, in 1957, drawn inspired by the operative principle of the avant-corps.

2006-11-05T03:12:00.000-08:00

A graphic reconstruction of a typical Mogadishans house

Mogadishans house, as it apperared when was in good condition.
Banaadiri architecture requires the observer to find the cultural content inside its powerfully massive structure.

Banaadir (which starts from the town of Warsheekh, north of Mogadishu, reaching south up to Kisimayo and surroundings) must be considered a region of Yemen in East Africa, considering that the real protagonist of the urbanization of that geographic area were people of Yemen.

The history of these great builders is testified in Yemen by numerous ruins of temples, buildings and dams. In Banaadir, unfortunately, the destruction perpetrated on the ancient ruins by Somali, has denied history the possibility of reconstructing its past. But the constant and silent presence of hundreds and hundreds of ruins scattered among all the south coast, remember to the Somali tribes that Banaadir is not their land. In this occasion I present you some sketch about a reconstruction of a house of one storey. The research and evidences confirm that this building typology was rather common in Mogadishu until a few years ago.
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In the traditional Banaadiri house, the same rooms are used for different purpose, depennding on the needs.

Except for the bathroom and the kitchen, the rooms have no specific permanent designation. The bath consists of one wc and one the bathtub in order to conserve water.

Outside the house, generally near the entrance, one finds some benches leaned against the wall, where the men sit down to chat in the cooler hours.

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Cutaway views

We can note that emerges from the sketch presented, a definite local autonomy of creative consciousness, the attempt to work at a plan for the creation of a new world of ideas rich in social and ethical ferments.

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More information you can find in the book:

“Banaadiri. The renewal of a millenary identity”

By Nuredin Hagi Scikei

CLUEB (Bologna - Italy), 2002.

http://www.clueb.com/servlet/ParseHtml/html/index.html?url=/html/varie/ricerca.jsp

http://www.clueb.com/

The Banaadiris are people which are wrongly confused with the Somali. This book thanks to the extraordinary pictures tries to reassemble a rich and dynamic history that started probably in the Mesopotamian areas, crossed Yemen and reached the East coast of Africa where Banaadir civilisation grew up and flourished.

2006-08-24T13:03:00.000-07:00

Mohamed Osman
and the new trend of Banaadiri painting
Nuredin Hagi Scikei
(Bilingual text: English-Italian)

Art has an history of its own, a language, formal rules, but it is not an exact science. That means it is patronized and loved by experts as well as by non-experts. It can thus be observed, felt and interpreted by subjects who can give it different social values with repercussions that weigh on our culture and historical memory. There’s also who claims that often an artist is not aware of the real value of his/her work, and it often happens it’s the others who see in his/her pictures something different from what he/she probably means.
The art critic considers a work from three different angles at the same time: content (that is the main topic of the work), tecniques (oil-painting, water-color, sculpture, etc.) and the symbols used to convey ideas and feelings. I, not being an art critic, will analyze three works by Mohamed Buwe (http://www.osmanart.net/), maninly from the point of view of content. The pictures that more than any other impressed me are “Lacrime e sangue”, “The missing link” and “La conquista di Merka”.
In all three works Mohamed Buwe breaks with the tradition of typical Banaadiri artists (actors, singers, painters), indeed one can immediately understand he does not want to entertain anyone, as definitely painting such terrible pictures is not entertaining for him. His are picures that are shot through with civil commitment. Mohamed Buwe fixes on the wall of history the tragedy of the Banaadiri as no one has done up to now.
In “Lacrime di sangue” you can see an open door, an astonished lady and a girl bleeding from her genitals. The door is not any door, but a Banaadiri portal, big, huge and polished. Only a few people know that for the Banaadiri, as for the whole Arab world, the door has a sacred character, almost magical. It is often decorated beyond measure to mark the limit between public and private. That kind of door is almost a proxy of the flag: where it is raised there it is Banaadiri land. Mohamed Buwe’s picture with the open door means that Banaadir has been violated in its most intimate soul. The blood flowing from the girl’s innocent body, instead, doesn’t get lost in the ground but sprouts and becomes green. It is not a green giving shade, but it takes the shape of creepers, threathening, ominous. It looks as if the artist were trying to say “From that blood the new Banaadiri will be born, and a new generation will start, from which you had better not expect anything good”. Another peculiarity that strikes in Mohamed Buwe’s works is that Banaadiri victims, when they are alive, stand, petrified but always proud, never whining. In this artist’s pictures you never see the rapers’ and criminals’ faces, as if the artist were afraid of humanizing them by painting them. He ignores them, he substitutes them with emptiness, as it is, in fact, the culture that has given birth to them and has brought them up.
But Mohamed Buwe is not tender with the Banaadiri either. In his distressing work “The missing link”, more than the dead mother lying on the pavement, the tragedy reveals itself in the stillness and in the raised head of the girl, looking at the shut windows of the neighbours. The artist spits in the face of the Banaadiri who shut themselves in their homes afraid of helping the weakest. But he does that with pain, to wake them up. This is shown by the consuming tenderness by which he paints those poor Marka creatures who, kicked out of their homes, start walking, terrified, towards a destination that will bring them they don’t even know what.
To the Somali who have bombed the neighbourhoods of defenceless disarmed civilians, raped women and children in front of their parents and relatives, the artist seems to say “You can wear all the turbans and rosaries you like, but you will never be able to strip yourselves of such a shame”. Paraphrasing an Egyptian writer’s words, Gamal Ghitani, who, in the novel called “Zayni Barakat” makes the terribile protagonist say “If in the abyss of a wicked soul I manage to track even a single drop of fear, of that drop I will be able to make a lake, and of the lake an ocean”, Mohamed Buwe seems to tell those tribal militia that he has found their drop of fear: it is the memory of what they made themselves protagonists of.
Now, waiting for the Banaadiri artists to deal with the hardest topic: the profanation of the mosques where Banaadiri women and children were gathered, because no one would have ever thought a Muslim Somali would dare get them in those sacred places. Every Banaadiri artist will have to face the huge tragedy of the Sheekh Sufi mosque. It is not an easy topic, since it is about painting evil without being banal and respecting the victims and the sacredness of the mosque.
Mohamed Buwe deserves being valued also for his use of colours. For example, in the picture “Possesion” he literally succeeds in flaring up the picture with red and yellow and orange. In “Gossiping” he puts together strong hues as red, yellow, blue and green, and yet he manages to create a calm and warm atmosphere among those ladies. “Empathy” is a sensual and very sweat picture. Extremely pleasant is also the drawing and the hues of the draping of the sari, which enhances the girl’s soft body. It is admirable the way he deals with the shades of blue in the painting “Human Clonism” and of the bright colours of the sea and the beach.
I understand many young Banaadiri love painting, even if they have not made up their minds to produce complete works. To them and also to the alreay famous ones I would like to say: when you paint Banaadiri women and men make them recognizable. The Banaadiri are the heirs of a longlasting, rich and flourishing Arab and eastern culture: it is not useful to anyone to mistake it for the Somali sheperds’ culture. I mean that also a small painting is useful, that made, for example, by the drawing and colours of buf-buf (bracelets), marooq
barfuun (ankle bracelets), labbah (necklace) etc., because it allows us to get back our identity and our roots. Indeed, who compares those female ornaments to the Yemenite’s, Uzbeki’s and those coming from some areas in India, will find out that ours is an ancient blood, and much of Asia is flowing in it.
In nineteen century Europe a particular kind of painting was born, inspired by eastern settings. Those painters are known as “Orientalists” and their pictures are often vulgar (women half naked without a reason) and insulting for Muslims. They are pictures without any psychological depth, and they had merely commercial aims. But we have to acknowledge that the warm and soft atmosphere those painters managed to create (“Women of Algeri” by Delacroix comes to my mind), is the same I used to see in the Banaadiri women’s malinjoog. The Orientalists had such a maniac attention for the refinement of details, the polish of the setting, the colours of the
people’s clothes and the furniture’s, that ultimately they managed to redeem the east from the gratuitous morbidity with which they painted women. Yes, we must say it loud, we are tired of seeing pictures filled with dromedaries, cows, goats and shepherds with spears, shields and junk of that kind. We all should wish the Banaadiri artists to deal with different aspects of our way of understanding life. We need enjoying also a painting honouring those people who give their attention, time and strenght to their weaker sisters and brothers. The Banaadiri suffered so much not because they were a minority, but because they were not united, and the cultural propaganda of the Somali made them lose self-confidence, and without a sound self-confidence one cannot do anything good in life. I would also like painters to attempt the colour white and all its shades typical of the plaster on Banaadiri buildings. The flowing of time, the rain, the wind, the salt, give the white of the plaster shades like yellowings, strippings of the hue, vision of the naked coral rock that make the atmosphere of the coastal villages unique.
I’ve never seen a Banaadiri artist painting one of our typical sailing-ships as the sambuq (dhow in Anglo-swahili), the scenes of the life of a harbour with gulls and rusty wires on the dock.
I would like to see your representation of Banaadiri women, gathered in maalinjoog, with their dresses and typical ornaments, of Banaadiri old men with their macwis, kofia and Saharian shirts, intent on chatting, eating or reciting the Koran. It would be useful if artists helped us to better guard those eastern-Banaadiri atmospheres which we are so fond of. We must not forget Arab and Asian civilizations are the worlds that gave us so much, and that only getting back the essence of those cultures and of that indomitable spirit we can aspire to make Banaadir great again.

Quello che ci dice l’arte di Mohamed Buwe Osman
L’arte ha una sua storia, un suo linguaggio, delle proprie regole formali ma non è una scienza esatta. Questo significa che è frequentata e amata sia da esperti che da non esperti. Pertanto può essere osservata, sentita ed interpretata da soggetti che possono darle diverse valenze sociali con ripercussioni non indifferenti sulla nostra cultura e sulla nostra memoria storica.
Gli esperti sostengono che non di rado un artista si rende conto dell’intero valore del suo lavoro e capita di frequente che sono altri a cogliere nei suoi quadri qualcosa di diverso da quello che egli avrebbe voluto probabilmente dire.
Il critico d’arte valuta un’opera d’arte contemporaneamente da tre angolazioni diverse: il contenuto (ovvero l’argomento principale dell’opera), le tecniche (pittura a olio, acquerello, scultura etc..) e i simboli utilizzati per comunicare idee e sentimenti. Io, non essendo un critico d’arte, analizzerò tre lavori di Mohamed Buwe sopratutto dal punto di vista del contenuto. I quadri che più di ogni altro mi hanno colpito sono “Lacrime e sangue”, “The Missing link” e “La conquista di Merka.”
In tutti i tre le opere Mohamed Buwe rompe con la tradizione degli artisti tipici banaadiri (attori, cantanti, pittori) perché si capisce subito che non ha voglia di divertire nessuno, come sicuramente non si diverte lui a dipingere quadri così terribili. Le sue sono tele che trasudano impegno civile. Mohamed Buwe fissa nel muro della storia la tragedia dei banaadiri come nessun altro ha fatto finora.
In “Lacrime e sangue” si vede una porta aperta, una signora attonita e una ragazza che sanguina dagli organi genitali. La porta non è una porta qualsiasi ma è una portale banaadiri, grande, possente e tornito. Sono pochi a sapere che i banaadiri come per tutto il mondo arabo la porta riveste un carattere sacrale e quasi magico. Essa è spesso decorata oltre ogni misura per marcare il confine fra il pubblico ed il privato. Quel tipo di porte, fanno quasi le veci di una bandiera: dove sono piantate è terra dei banaadiri. La tela di Mohamed Buwe con la porta aperta significa che il Banaadir è stato violato nella sua anima più intima. Il sangue che sgorga dal corpo innocente della bambina, invece, non si perde nel terreno ma germoglia e diventa verde. Non è un verde che dà ombra ma assume le sembianze di piante rampicanti, minacciose, sinistre. Sembra che l’artista voglia dire “da quel sangue nasceranno i nuovi banaadiri e inizierà una nuova generazione da cui non vi dovrete aspettare nulla di buono. Altra particolarità che colpisce dei lavori di Mohamed Buwe è che le vittime banaadiri, quando sono vivi, sono in piedi, impietriti ma sempre fieri, mai piagnucolosi. Nelle tele di questo artista non si vedono mai le facce e le sembianze dei violentatori e dei criminali, quasi che l’artista temesse di umanizzarli raffigurandoli. Li ignora, li sostituisce con il vuoto, come è in realtà la cultura che li ha generati ed allevati. Ma Mohamed Buwe non è tenero neanche con i banaadiri. Nell’angosciante lavoro di “The Missing link” più che la mamma morta distesa per terra, la tragedia si manifesta nell’immobilità e nella testa alzata della bambina che guarda le finestre chiuse dei vicini di casa. L’artista sputa in faccia ai banaadiri che si sono chiusi in casa e che hanno avuto paura di soccorrere i più deboli. Ma lo fa con dolore, per svegliarli. Lo dimostra con quanta struggente tenerezza dipinge quelle povere creature di Marka, buttati fuori dalla loro casa ed si sono messe in cammino, terrorizzate, verso una meta che non sanno neanche loro dove li porterà.
Ai somali che hanno bombardato i quartieri di inermi civili disarmati, stuprato donne e bambine di fronte ai loro genitori e ai loro cari, l’artista sembra dire “potete portare tutti i turbanti e i rosari che volete ma non riuscirete mai a togliervi di dosso tale infamia. Parafrasando le parole di uno scrittore egiziano, Gamal Ghitani, che fa dire al terribile protagonista del romanzo intitolato “Zayni Barakat”, “se nell’abisso di un’anima malvagia sarò riuscito ad individuare anche una sola goccia di paura, di questa goccia saprò fare un lago e del lago un oceano”, Mohamed Buwe sembra dire a quelle milizie tribali che lui la goccia di paura l’ha trovata: è la memoria di ciò di cui si sono resi protagonisti.
Ora aspettiamo che gli artisti banaadiri affrontino il tema più difficile: la profanazione delle moschee dove furono radunate donne e bambine banaadiri, perché nessuno avrebbe mai pensato che un somalo musulmano avrebbe osato raggiungerli in quei luoghi così sacri. Sulla immane tragedia della moschea di Sheekh Sufi si dovrà misurare ogni artista banaadiri. Non è un tema facile perché si tratta di dipingere il male senza essere banali e rispettando le vittime e la sacralità della moschea, ma devono trovare il modo di farlo perché le nuove generazioni non dimentichino.
Mohamed Buwe merita di essere valutato anche sul piano di utilizzo dei colori. Per esempio, nel dipinto “Possession” è riuscito letteralmente a incendiare la tela con il rosso ed il giallo e l’arancione. In “Gossiping” ha accostato tinte forti come il rosso, il giallo, il blu e il verde, eppure è riuscito a creare un atmosfera di serenità e di calore fra quelle signore. “Empathy” è un dipinto sensuale e dolcissimo. Molto felice è anche il disegno e le tinte del drappeggio del sari che fa risaltare di più il corpo morbido della ragazza. E’ ammirevole la gestione delle sfumature del blu di “Human Clonism” e dei colori solari del mare e della spiaggia.
Io so che diversi giovani banaadiri amano dipingere anche se non si sono decisi a produrre opere complete. A loro e anche quelli già famosi vorrei rivolgere un invito: quando dipingete donne e uomini banaadiri fate che siano riconoscibili. I banaadiri sono gli eredi di lunga, ricchissima e fiorente cultura arabo e asiatica: non è utile per nessuno che essa si confonda con la cultura dei pastori somali. Voglio dire che anche la pittura minuscola, quella fatta del disegno e dei colori dei buf-buf (bracciali), marooq barfuun (cavigliere), labbah (collana girocollo) etc.. ci permette di riappropriarci della nostra identità e delle nostre origini. Perché, chi confronta bene questi ornamenti femminili dei banaadiri con quelli yemeniti, degli uzbeki e di certe parti dell’India, allora scopre che il nostro è un sangue antico e vi scorre molto Asia. In Europa, nell’ottocento è nata un certo tipo di pittura che si ispirava ad ambientazioni orientali. Questi pittori sono conosciuti come “orientalisti” e i loro quadri sono spesso volgari (donne seminude senza ragione) e offensivi nei confronti degli islamici. Sono dipinti senza nessuno spessore psicologico e avevano obbiettivi puramente commerciali. Ma, bisogna riconoscere che l’atmosfera calda e morbida che riuscivano a creare questi pittori (mi viene in mente “Le donne di Algeri” di Delacroix), era la stessa che io vedevo nei malinjoog delle banaadiri. Gli orientalisti davano un’attenzione così maniacale alla finezza dei dettagli, alla eleganza della ambientazione e dei colori, che in definitiva riscattavano l’oriente della gratuita morbosità con cui dipingevano le donne.
Sarebbe auspicabile che gli artisti banaadiri affrontassero diversi settori del nostro modo di intendere la vita. Abbiamo bisogno di gioire anche di una pittura che celebra le persone che donano la loro attenzione, il loro tempo e la loro forza alle sorelle e ai fratelli più deboli. I banaadiri hanno sofferto tanto non perché fossero una minoranza ma perché non erano uniti e la propaganda culturale dei somali ha fatto perdere a loro l’autostima, e senza una solida autostima non si può fare nulla di buono nella vita. Vorrei che i pittori si cimentassero con il colore bianco e con tutte le sue sfumature dell’intonaco dei tipici edifici banaadiri. Il passare del tempo, la pioggia, il vento la salsedine, regalano al bianco dell’intonaco sfumature come ingiallimenti, sfogliature della tinta, visione della nuda roccia corallina che rendono unica l’atmosfera degli abitati della costa.
Non ho mai visto un artista banaadiri, disegnare un nostro tipico veliero come il sambuq (dhow in anglo-swahili), le scene di vita di un porto con i gabbiani e cavi arrugginiti sulla banchina.
Ecco, mi piacerebbe vedere la vostra rappresentazione di donne banaadiri, riunite in maalinjoog, con i loro vestiti e gli ornamenti tipici, di anziani banaadiri con i loro macwis, kofia e le camice sahariane, intenti a chiacchierare, mangiare o recitare il Corano. Sarebbe utile che gli artisti ci aiutassero a riappropriarci delle atmosfere orientali-banaadiri. Perché l’Asia è il mondo che ci ha regalato tanto e solo riappropriandoci della sua cultura e del suo spirito possiamo aspirare a rendere grande nuovamente il Banaadir.

2006-08-24T12:55:00.000-07:00

The psycho-linguistic terrorism of the Somali clan of the BBC Somali Service

Nuredin Hagi Scikei
(Bilingual text: English-Italian)

I happen to know that on 1st January 2007 the BBC Royal Charter will become effective.
The Royal Charter should be a document fixing the BBC’s fundamental characters and defining its final functions and objectives. I’m taking advantage of this opportunity to invite those in charge at the BBC to look into the matter of the programmes in Somali from another point of

view: that of the people who are subject to Somali colonialism.
Let me sketch the contours of the problem. The tragedy in which the Horn of Africa has sunk, mainly in the last fifteen years, has highlighted some basic matters I’m going to sum up below:
- to begin with, the term civil war cannot always be used, because the Banaadiri have not staged war against anyone, but have been attacked by the Somali. It is thus more correct to say there has been a tribal conflict among Somali clans in order to get the power, and that at the same time there has been a war of aggression staged by the Somali against the Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Bantu peoples;
- the so called Somalia is not a nation with one people and one language only, but a Country made up by several peoples, such as the Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle, Bantu, Somali, with different languages, such as Arabic, May-may, Kiswahili and Somali. The Somali clan has undoubtely been, up to a few years ago, the most politically active, since it had already been favoured and heavily armed by the Italian colonial administration. For this reason and for this reason only, they have been able to impose themselves on other peoples with their politics and language, namely the Somali. But the masterpiece of the annihilation attempt by the Italian colonial administration has had its best expression in the choice of the name “Somalia”. As this name is connected with the concept of clan, it happens that the Somali, encouraged by that tribal name, which has been extended to the non-Somali areas as well, have felt legitimated and encouraged to colonize and commit any kind of atrocities against the Banaadiri (a multiethnic population composed by Arabs, groups of Cusciti and Bantu), Digil, Mirifle and Bantu. The level of confusion and misleading created by the name Somalia has been so high that not even the Arab media have realized yet that the Somali are trying to annihilate Banaadiri of Arab origin, politically, economically, and physically. Not even the billionaire Al Jaziira has ever inquired into the rapes and ethnic cleansing committed by the Somali against the Arab Banaadiri in the towns of Mogadisho, Warsheekh, Afgoi, Jilib, Marka, Kisimaio, and generally in every place along the small coastal area of Banaadir.
From this rough sketch it is possible to guess how, in such a conflicting enviroment, the use of a language instead of another is a delicate matter.
The BBC has economic resources which are unthinkable for African Countries, and has thus the means for pinpointing the problem and considering the politics pursued until now. It is not useless to remember that the BBC is a public service, and it is state-funded through a fee which in 2003-04 amounted to 2,8 billion pounds. In the Green Paper of the British governement on the renewal of the Royal Charter about the BBC’s role, which can also be read on the website
http://www.bbccharterreview.org.uk/ it is said: “The aspiration towards democracy, respect for human rights, freedom of speech and association, which had been the BBC's rationable for developing Eastern European vernacular services, has now shifted eastwards and southwards, and in particular to the Middle East, the Far East and parts of Africa and subcontinent.”
Of course Great Britain, as every other Country in the world, tries to give the best image of itself. But the respect of human rights also passes through the BBC’s attitude of not giving the Somali the chance of carrying into effect a linguistic terrorism against the people in the southern regions of the Horn of Africa, who are undergoing jargon humiliations by the BBC speakers. Their speech could sound neutral only to those innocent and naif people who do not know that, through intonation, verbal signs, sighs, silences, laughs and the way they speak, it is possible to ridicule or transmit a vast repertoire of attitudes showing a faint contempt, self-importance, low esteem, of ideological and cultural messages. All this is given legitimacy, is made believable and trustworthy by the BBC’s prestige. We all know that no journalist in the world gives us an objective reality of facts, but a personal account of reality, which is filtered through his/her cultural upbringing and beliefs. In western Countries, a reader or an audience can find other sources of information, and thus get a personal opinion about the events he is told. But in Africa, and most of all in “Somalia”, that is not possible for almost all its inhabitants. Thus, this “second hand reality” which is offered to the audience conditions their vision of the world.
In a reality where there is an ethnic group trying to occupy new territories with weapons and profiting by all the privileges it has been given by Italian colonialism, also the choice of the national language will be considered as the victory of the ethnic group speaking that language. There is nothing wise in choosing language A instead of B or C, because that means crowning and privileging the ethnic group A. Thus, for Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Jareer, the BBC speakers’ ways of speaking can mean psychological terrorism against their language and culture, considered less important than the Somali language. Choosing the Somali language means to cast off Arabic, Kiswahili and May-may, and give them a negative value, using the BBC authority and ultimately the international prestige of Great Britain. Linguistic discrimination has become a social and political discrimination and has eventually undermined the identity, growth and visibility of the Banadiri people. You cannot pretend you do not know that language is what conveys thoughts and intentions, and that therefore it is never innocent. The Somali spoken by the BBC Somali speakers is well understood by the people living in the Galkacyo area and those north of it only. From Joohar city southwards (as well as in vast areas of the Hiran region) where the Somali language has been imposed, the southern populations hardly understand that language, since their mother tongue is Arabic, May-may or Kiswahili. Also those groups in the south who surrendered and speak Somali, are not able to make a whole speech in Somali. Since behind linguistic choices there’s always been, at every latitude, a political competition between different cultural identities, we all should wish the BBC considered alternatives that do not favour the Somali clan more than it did in the past.
We Banaadiri will always be glad to hear the point of view of a broadcasting station of a democratic Country as the BBC, but it is better if it all happened in English. If there are Somali shepherds who do not understand English, there will also be Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle who do not understand English, but, at least, everyone will make the effort to learn a language which is a real lingua franca at international level and which does not have any conflicting repercussions inside the Country.

Il terrorismo psico-linguistico del clan somalo della BBC Somali Service
Mi risulta che nel 1 gennaio del 2007 entrerà in vigore la Royal Charter della BBC. La Royal Charter dovrebbe essere un documento che fissa i caratteri fondamentali della BBC e ne definisce le funzioni e gli obbiettivi finali. Approfitto di questa occasione per rivolgere un invito ai responsabili della BBC a considerare la questione dei programmi in lingua somala da un’altro punto di vista: quella di coloro che stanno subendo il colonialismo dei somali.
Consentitemi di tracciare i contorni del problema. La tragedia in cui è affogato il Corno d’Africa, sopratutto negli ultimi 15 anni, ha messo in evidenza alcune questioni fondamentali che riassumo qui sotto.
- Per iniziare, il termine di guerra civile non può essere utilizzato sempre perché i Banaadiri non hanno fatto guerra a nessuno ma sono stati aggrediti dai somali. Quindi è più corretto dire che vi è stato una conflitto tribale per il potere fra tribù di somali e contemporaneamente c’è stato una guerra di aggressione dei somali ai danni dei popoli Banaadiri ,Digil, Mirifle e Bantu.
- La cosiddetta “Somalia” non è affatto una nazione con un solo popolo e una sola lingua ma uno stato composto da diversi popoli come i Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle, Bantu, somali e con diverse lingue come l’arabo, may-may, kiswahili e somalo. Il gruppo tribale dei somali è stato indubbiamente, fino a pochi anni fa, il più attivo politicamente perché è stato privilegiato ed armato pesantemente già dall’amministrazione coloniale italiana. Per questo motivo e soltanto per questo motivo essi sono stati in grado di imporsi sugli altri popoli con la loro politica e con la loro lingua che è il somalo. Ma, il capolavoro del tentativo di annientamento da parte dell’amministrazione coloniale italiana ha avuto la sua massima espressione nella scelta del nome “Somalia”. Essendo questo nome legato al concetto di tribù, ecco che i somali, incoraggiati da questo nome tribale che fu esteso anche a territori non somali, si sono sentiti legittimati ed incoraggiati a colonizzare e commettere ogni genere di atrocità sui Banaadiri (popolo multietnico composto da arabi, gruppi di cusciti e Bantu), Digil, Mirifle e Bantu. Il livello di confusione e depistaggio creato dal nome “Somalia” fu talmente elevato che neanche i media arabi fino ad ora si sono resi conto che i somali stanno cercando di annientare politicamente, economicamente e fisicamente i Banaadiri di origini araba. Nemmeno la miliardaria Al Jaziira ha mai condotto inchieste sugli stupri e sulla pulizia etnica condotta dai somali a danno dei banaadiri arabi nelle città di Mogadiscio, Warsheekh, Afgoi, Jilib, Marka, Kisimaio ed in genere in tutte le località della piccola fascia costiera del Banaadir.
Da questo breve quadro si può intuire come, in un ambiente così conflittuale, l’utilizzo di una lingua invece che di un altra sia una questione delicata.
La BBC ha le risorse economiche inimmaginabili per i paesi africani e quindi ha i mezzi per individuare questo problema e riflettere sulla politica fin qui seguita. Non è inutile ricordare che la BBC è un servizio pubblico ed è finanziato dallo stato attraverso il canone televisivo le cui entrate ammontano, nel 2003-04, a 2,8 miliardi di sterline. Nella Green Paper del Governo britannico sul rinnovo della Royal Charter riguardo il ruolo della BBC, che può anche essere nel sito http://www.bbccharterreview.org.uk/ è riportato “The aspiration towards democracy, respect for human rights, freedom of speech and association, which had been the BBC's rationable for developing Eastern European vernacular services, has now shifted eastwards and southwards, and in particular to the Middle East, the Far East and parts of Africa and the subcontinent.”
E’ ovvio che la Gran Bretagna, come tutti i paesi del mondo, cerca di dare la migliore immagine di se. Ma, il rispetto dei diritti umani passa anche attraverso l’atteggiamento della BBC di non offrire ai somali la possibilità di attuare un terrorismo linguistico sui popoli del sud del Corno d’Africa che sono sottoposti a mortificazione gergali da parte degli speaker della BBC. Il discorso di uno speaker potrebbe sembrare neutrale solo a quelle anime candide ed ingenue che non sanno che attraverso l’inflessione dialettale, i segnali verbali, i sospiri, i silenzi, le risatine e il modo di parlare degli speaker, si può ridicolizzare o trasmettere un ampio repertorio di atteggiamenti di sottile dispregio, di sufficienza, di considerazione, di messaggi ideologici e culturali. Tutto ciò è legittimato, reso credibile e affidabile dal prestigio della BBC. Tutti noi sappiamo che nessun giornalista al mondo ci fornisce una realtà oggettiva dei fatti, ma una versione personale della realtà che è filtrata dalla sua formazione culturale e dalle sue credenze. Nei paesi occidentali, un lettore o un ascoltatore ha la possibilità di documentarsi su altri fonti e quindi di farsi una sua idea sulle vicende che gli vengono raccontate. Ma in Africa e sopratutto in “Somalia” questo non è possibile per la quasi totalità dei suoi abitanti. Perciò questa “realtà di seconda mano” che viene offerta agli ascoltatori condiziona la loro visione del mondo. In una realtà in cui esiste un gruppo etnico cerca di occupare nuovi territori con le armi e sfrutta tutti i privilegi che gli ha passato il colonialismo italiano, anche la scelta della lingua nazionale sarà registrata come la vittoria del gruppo etnico a cui quella lingua appartiene. Altro che buon senso, scegliere la lingua A invece che la B o la C significa incoronare e privilegiare l’etnia A. Ecco quindi che le parlate degli speaker della BBC possono costituire per i banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle e i Jareer un terrorismo psicologico alla loro lingua ed alla loro cultura che è legittimata come di minor valore rispetto alla lingua somala.
Scegliere la lingua somala significa scartare l’arabo, il kiswahili e il may-may, e coprirli di una valenza negativa utilizzando l’autorevolezza della BBC e in definitiva il prestigio internazionale della Gran Bretagna. La discriminazione linguistica è diventa una discriminazione sociale e politica e ha finito per penalizzare l’identità, la crescita e la visibilità.del popolo banaadiri.
Non si può far finta di non sapere che la lingua è il veicolo di un pensiero e di un’intenzione, e che pertanto non è mai innocente. Il somalo parlato da speaker somali della BBC è capito bene solo dalla regione di Galkacyo in su. Dalla città di Joohar in giù (oltre che in ampie aree della regione di Hiran) dove il somalo è stato imposto con la forza, gli abitanti del sud comprendono questa lingua con estrema difficoltà perché la loro lingua madre o è l’arabo, o il may-may o il kiswahili. Anche quei gruppi del sud che si sono arresi a parlare il somalo, non sono in grado di articolare un discorso completo in somalo. Siccome dietro alle scelte linguistiche c’é sempre stato in tutte le latitudini una competizione politica di identità culturalmente differenti, sarebbe auspicabile che la BBC valutasse alternative che non favoriscano la tribù dei somali più di quanto lo abbia fatto in passato.
A noi Banaadiri, ci farà sempre piacere sentire il punto di vista di una emittente di un paese democratico come la BBC ma è preferibile che tutto ciò si svolga in lingua inglese. Se ci saranno pastori somali che non capiranno l’inglese, ci saranno anche dei contadini Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle che non capiranno l’inglese ma almeno tutti si sforzeranno di imparare una lingua che serve come una reale lingua franca a livello internazionale e che non ha ripercussioni conflittuali all’interno del paese.

2006-07-09T02:58:00.000-07:00

Riprendiamoci il nostro Oceano
Non molto tempo fa, ho incontrato in modo del tutto fortuito un ex pescatore banaadiri (del clan dei Reer Magno) e un somalo (del clan dei Majerteen). Questi due abili pescatori che ora vivono all’estero, hanno mantenuto con il frutto della loro attività, qualcosa come una ventina di persone a testa (moglie, figli, fratelli, sorelle e parentele varie). Se questi due signori non sono riusciti ad impiantare vere e proprie aziende ittiche è dovuto al fatto che non avevano trovato nessuna struttura che spiegasse a loro cosa dovevano fare. Anzi coloro che gli dovevano dare spiegazioni li hanno tenuti alla larga dalle fonti di informazioni.
E’ il racconto dei fallimenti di questi esperti pescatori, o meglio il successo parziale di questi due artigiani del mare, che mi ha stimolato a scrivere questo articolo.
Mi auguro che i dati che fornirò a tutti, aiutino i pescatori artigianali a ripensare a come riorganizzarsi e ad essere più decisi nel far valere i loro diritti e sopratutto nel cercare le informazioni che li possano aiutare a progredire.
Io vivo in Italia da molti anni e so per certo (lo dicono anche le statistiche) che la maggior parte degli imprenditori italiani (come sicuramente quelli di tutto il mondo), non hanno un master in Business Administration e neanche una laurea in Economia e Commercio. Eppure, molti di loro hanno creato aziende eccezionali e di gran successo.
Al di là delle capacità personali, gran parte di questi imprenditori hanno potuto appoggiarsi ed avere informazioni da enti come la Camera di Commercio delle loro città, dalle fiere del settore oppure dalle stesse fabbriche che producono attrezzature e macchinari.
Detta così può sembrare scontata, ma siccome sappiamo che neanche gli imprenditori africani che vivono in città riescono a trovare le informazioni che gli servirebbero per far crescere la loro azienda, è facile immaginare come sia impossibile che un pescatore che è quasi tutto il giorno in mare, possa avere informazioni utili al suo lavoro. Eppure, i pescatori del Corno d’Africa, con oltre 3000 km di costa e un mare pescosissimo in quasi tutti i punti, basterebbe che avessero le informazioni adeguate per poter costruire aziende ittiche di successo. Però, raccogliere informazioni sui mercati e fornire informazioni così specialistiche non è alla portata di tutti e richiede sopratutto risorse economiche e personale qualificato. Perciò sarebbe utile che le associazioni di pescatori e le organizzazioni politiche facciano pressioni sulla FAO, in modo che possa aprire un sito web che dia notizie utili e concrete su come possano un gruppo di pescatori (o di piccoli imprenditori del settore) evolvere nella loro attività. Le spiegazioni a distanza possono risultare pericolose ma sono meglio di niente. Mi spiego meglio, i piccoli imprenditori che fanno pesca artigianale, non possono competere con gli armatori di grandi pescherecci che devastano, senza pietà, da moltissimi anni tutta la costa del Corno d’Africa (mi riferisco alla cosiddetta “Somalia”). Il motivo è dovuto al fatto che i grandi pescherecci usano tecnologie molto sofisticate come navigazioni satellitari, mappatura con sonar, ecoscandagli con plotter cartografico a colori che individuano e identificano i banchi di pesce etc..
La pesca artigianale, invece, può contare solo su imbarcazioni inferiori alle 10 tonnellate di stazza lorda (generalmente con una lunghezza totale di 12 metri) e sono dotate di attrezzature con cui riescono ad operare non oltre una distanza di 12 miglia dalla costa.
I due pescatori che ho incontrato, avevano piccole imbarcazioni con motori di 12 e 17 HP. Ciascuno di loro aveva un equipaggio di 6 uomini in cui 5 di loro erano pescatori ed uno era preparatore di esche. Partivano verso le 6,00 di mattina e la zona di pesca era circa a 2 miglia marina dalla costa. Fra una preparazione e l’altra la pesca iniziava verso le 10 di mattina e terminavano verso le 13.00. Riuscivano a pescare circa 300 kg di pesce al giorno.
Se con piccole barche e attrezzature tradizionali riuscivano a pescare quelle quantità, ci si può immaginare come avrebbero potuto evolvere se fossero una cooperativa più consistente e che potesse disporre di un centro frigorifero per lo stoccaggio e la lavorazione del pescato.
Pertanto se i pescatori non si riuniscono in associazioni e non costituiranno tantissime cooperative lungo tutta la costa, non avranno mai la forza per opporsi al colpo mortale che i pescherecci moderni stanno infliggendo al loro futuro economico. Anche se sembra che, per fortuna, ciò che rende pescoso il mare del Corno d’Africa sono sopratutto le specie ittiche migratorie particolarmente abbondanti e di alto valore economico che arrivano dalle coste meridionali dell’Africa e si dirigono a nord oltre le coste del Puntland (nel 1981 la FAO aveva stimato che le risorse ittiche del Corno d’Africa ammontavano a circa 100.000 tonnellate).
I dati che fornisco qui sotto, sono molto vecchi ma hanno il pregio di essere dettagliati e di fornire il tipo, la pezzatura e il modo in cui viene venduto il pesce del Corno d’Africa in Italia. Si badi che si tratta di prezzi all’ingrosso e che al dettaglio venivano venduti con un ricarico che variava dal 10% al 500% a secondo della qualità del prodotto.
Per essere più chiaro, i passaggi che subisce il pesce pescato nel Corno d’Africa è il seguente:
1) Armatore che pesca e congela
2) Importatore generale
3) Industria della trasformazione
4) Grossista
5) Punto di vendita tradizionale (pescherie)
6) Punto vendita della grande distribuzione (supermercati...)
Mi auguro che il mare del Corno d’Africa dia un futuro a centinaia di migliaia di famiglie e non sia solo una riserva di saccheggio per armatori senza scrupoli.

Prezzi all’ingrosso del 1993 in Italia del pesce congelato

pescato nel Corno d’Africa ( euro /kg )

Alelunga decapitato da 500 gr sopra: 0,9 €/kg
Burro decapitato: 0,9 €/kg
Calamaro tubo sopra 25 cm: 3,4 € (2005:10/24€) - [Prezzo al dettaglio 2006: 20 €/kg ]
Calamaro tubo da 20 a 25 cm: 3,1 €
Calamaro tubo da 15 a 20 cm: 2,6 €
Calamaro tubo da 10 a 15 cm: 2,1 €
Calamaro tubo da 5 a 10 cm: 1,6 €
Calamaro punta tubo sopra 20 cm: 0,7 €
Dentice verde decapitato da 1 kg sopra: 1,2 €
Dentice verde intero da 300 gr a 1 kg:0,51 €
Dentice rosa testa 2 kg sopra: 2,0 €
Dentice rosa testa da 1 kg a 2 kg: 1,8 €
Dentice rosa testa da 400 gr a 1 kg: 1,8 €
Dentice rosa testa da 200 a 400 gr: 1,3 €
Dentice bianco decapitato: 1,2 €
Dentice musonero medio: 1,2 €
Dentice rosso decapitato 1 kg sopra: 2,3 €
Dentice rosso con testa da 300 gr a 1 kg: 1,9 €
Dentice rosso con testa 2 kg sopra: 2,0 €
Dentale rosso testa: 1,9 €
Dentale rosso decapitato: 2,0 €
Dentice corazziere decapitato sopra 1 kg: 2,0 €
Dentice corazziere con testa da 500 a 1 kg: 1,6 €
Cernia decapitata punteggiata da 3 kg sopra: 2,6 €
Cernia punteggiata testa grande da 2 kg sopra: 1,9 €
Cernia punteggiata testa da 1 a 2 kg: 1,9 €
Cernia punteggiata testa da 400 gr a 1 kg: 1,8 €
Cernia gialla decapitata 3 kg sopra: 2,6 €
Cernia gialla con testa grande 2 kg sopra: 2,1 €
Cernia gialla da 1kg a 2 kg: 1,8 €
Cernia gialla da 400 gr a 1kg: 1,2 €
Cernia bianca decapitata da 3 kg sopra: 2,8 € [Prezzo al dettaglio 2006: €/kg ]
Cernia bianca testa grande da 2 kg sopra: 2,2 €
Cernia bianca con testa da 1 kg a 2 kg:2,1 €
Cernia bianca con testa da 400 gr a 1 kg : 2,0 €
Cernia nera decapitata da 2 kg sopra: 2,7 €
Cernia nera con testa da 500 gr a 2 kg: 1,3 €
Cernia rossa media: 1,6 €
Cernia rossa grande: 2,1 €
Filetto cernia:0,5 €
Halibut decapitato da 400 gr sopra :1,6 € [Filetto Halibut 19 €/kg]
Lucci decapitati 800 gr sopra: 0,5 € [6 €/kg ]
Lecciola decapitata da 1 kg sopra: 1,0 €
Lecciola con testa da 500 gr sopra : 0,5 €
Mazzoline: 0,5 €
Misto decapitato: 1,2 €
Ombrina (Papagallo bianco) : 1,4 €
Orata da 300 gr sopra: 1,6€ - (2005:3/18€) [Prezzo al dettaglio 15 €/kg ]
Pagello da 250 gr sopra: 0,5€ (2005:2.5/18 €/kg)
Palombo decapitato da 400 gr sopra: 1,7 € [Prezzo al dettaglio16 €/kg]
Pescecane decapitato da 400 gr sopra: 1,5 €
Palamita decapitata da 1kg sopra : 1,9 €
Palamita punteggiata decapitata: 1,6 €
Palamita decapitata sotto 1 kg : 1,4 €
Recciole decapitate : 1,3 €
Seppia sotto 250 gr: 1,3 €
Seppia sopra 2 kg: 1,2 €
Seppia da 1 a 2 kg: 1,2 €
Seppia da 500 gr a 1 kg: 1,3 €
Seppia da 250 a 500 gr: 1,3 €
Scampi grandi fino a 10 per 1 kg : 7,3 €
Trota con testa da 400 gr sopra : 0,5 €
Trota decapitata: 0,8 €
Triglia rossa grandissima da 400 gr sopra:1,3 €[Pr. al dettaglio 2006: filetto 19 €/kg ]

Triglia rossa grande da 200 a 400 gr:1,2 €
Triglia rossa media da 100 a 200 gr: 1,1 €
Triglia rossa piccola sotto 100 gr: 0,9 € [Prezzo al dettaglio 2006: 9 €/kg ]
Triglia bianca piccola sotto 100 gr: 0,9 €
Spigola decapitata da 500 gr sopra: 0,5 € [20 €/kg]
Pesce palo decapitato 500 gr sopra: 1,0 €
San Pietro decapitato: 0,8 €
Seppia pulita senza osso sopra i 2 kg :1,7 €
Seppia pulita senza osso da 1 a 2 kg: 1,7 € [Prezzo al dettaglio 2006:10 €/kg ]
Misto 1° (calamari/cernie/dentice rosa): 1,3 €
Misto 2° (triglia/ seppia/zanchettoni): 1,1 €
Sarago decapitato da 400 gr sopra: 0,5 €
Ombrina decapitata 1 Kg sopra: 1,40 €
Ombrina media con testa da 400 gr a 1,5 kg: 0,7 €
Papagallo blu decapitato: 1,1 €
Papagallo rosso decapitato: 1,3 €

2006-06-04T03:46:00.000-07:00

Interview with FreeThinker Banaadiri Whose Aim Is to Change the Name "Somalia".
An honest talk with author and activist Nuredin Hagi Scikei on the prospect of a lasting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa...
By Irena Knehtl
http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/6-1-2006-97966.asp
http://www.yemenmirror.com/index.php?action=showDetails&id=58

2006-04-07T11:04:00.000-07:00

The Banaadir Arabs and their civilising influence

Fig: Works of Banaadiri architecture in Mogadishu, Bur Gao, Ngumi, Gondershe, Chovai, Koyama, Rasini. The historical works are not purpose to themselves. They must be an instrument of knowledge and action.

In an article about Medieval Mogadishu Professor Teobaldo Filesi concluded like this:
After five centuries swollen waves of history and lies have cancelled even the most impressive and visionary dreams of glory. One by one empires have collapsed and are almost forgotten. Instead, they say, there exists, a liberty that is, however, an abstract concept, especially compared to everyday reality. Somalia has, perhaps, caught a glimpse of freedom in some happy interlude in its long past. To reread Ibn Battuta or Fei Hsin or Duarte Barbosa is like bowing down to commemorate a damaged memory. Since Mogadishu no longer exists, or exists as a violation of civilisation and as an annulment of human dignity(i).

Never has anyone, not even a native of Mogadishu, found such sad or beautiful words to describe an extraordinary past. This article aims to investigate a little more closely those who led the inhabitants of the Horn of Africa out of backwardness and taught them to benefit from a not so generous land.

Fig: The majority of Banaadir Arabs came from the Hadharmut region in the Yemen.

The Arabs (ii) who settled in Banaadir(iii) more than ten centuries ago were elemental in progress and stability, an authentic gift from the Yemen to a land that had always suffered the effects of tribal war. Although European scholars have almost always recognised the social impact they had, the Banaadir Arabs have never been the subject of any specific research regarding the real significance of their influence in Somalia. A study of this type, although having its main focus in Banaadir cannot fail to include research in the public and private libraries of the southern coast of the Yemen, the geographical origin of most of the Arabs of Somalia, the Persian Gulf and the East African coast, where the Swahili civilisation flourished.
The aim of this article, which does not presume to give definitive answers to such complex issues, is twofold. Firstly, to try and identify and summarise the main sectors effected by this civilising influence. Secondly, to highlight prejudices common to this issue, from which European scholars seem to be the most at fault, and to suggest a hypothesis regarding the effects that these prejudices have had.
Somalia, an unsuitable name for a multi-ethnic society.
It is necessary to make one clarification immediately. Prior to Italian colonisation, Somalia as a political entity did not exist. With art.1 of the law 161 of the 5th April 1908 the Italian colonial government gave Somalia its name. Incautious or deliberate, the name “Somalia” throws the history of this state in to confusion by disregarding completely the ancient history of other peoples living in the same territory. If this name makes sense in the central region of Galgaduud, an area beginning approx. 200km north of Mogadishu, and in most northern regions, in the most southerly regions it sounds provocative. In fact the Reewiin, also known as the Rahanweyn, from the area between the Juba and Shabelle rivers, the Bantu, (Sciidle, Shabelle, Zigula, Nyassa, Yao, Makua, Magindu etc.) above all from the river areas, and the Banaadirs (multi ethnic group composed of Arabs, both Cuscite and Bantu) do not belong to the Somali ethnic group. Only the Darood, Dir and Hayiwe do. In other words, give its multi ethnic composition, it would have been undoubtedly fairer not to name a nation after one ethnic group. More appropriate names for Somalia, available for centuries, such as Azania, Zingion, Ophir, Punt, Barr al Ajam, to name the most ancient, were ignored.
The origins of the Somali have been the subject of much discussion among scholars(iv). The only certainty is that the first and oldest mention of the Somali, appears in an Ethiopian document, a poetic celebration of the victory of negus Yeshaq, ruler from 1414 to 1429(v). Another testimony, from the Arab chronicler Shihaab ad-Din, which appeared in Paris in 1897, seems to have been written between 1540 and 1550 and cites the names of several Somali clans allied with the Adal Muslims against the Ethiopian Christians(vi). The evidence proves that the Somalis began to have their own identity, and therefore to be recognised as foreigners, in Ethiopian territory. Some scholars identify the Somali with the “barbar” cited by various Arab authors from the 12th Century onwards. Almost certainly the term barbar, or baraabir in the plural, referred generally to Ethiopian Muslims, Dancali, Oromo, Arab-Ethiopian mulattoes. The Yemenite authors who encountered the baraabir in 1500 at Aden(vii) would not have hesitated in calling then Somali if they had really been known as such. In a work on the navigation of the Indian Ocean written in 1490 by Ahmad Ibn Maajid, better known as the man who captained the ships of Vasco Da Gama from Africa to India, Baraabir is the region that is north east of Abyssinia and that borders on the Somali region beginning at Ras Alula. According to Maajid, Mogadishu marked the beginning of the southeastern region of Abyssinia. In another work on navigation, written in 1511 by the Shihir Yemenite Sulaiman al Mahari, Warsheekh, the area about 60km north of Mogadishu, marked the beginning of the Zengi coast(viii). Regarding the meaning of Zengi or Zanj, there has never been agreement amongst scholars. Some sustain that it is of Persian origin and means black. Others retain that it was frequently used to describe a certain part of the coast and that it has no reference to its inhabitants(ix). It can be said, therefore, that in 1500 the Somali had made their debut in modern day Somalia and that the north east of the territory had begun to be associated with them by Arab authors. It is only in 1883, however, that Revoil refers to a small group of Kablallah Somali from the southern region(x). From the French traveller, Guillain on the other hand, we know that in 1847 a branch of the Ethiopian group, the Oromo, were settled on the right bank of the river Giuba. Some scholars quote Ibn Said (1214-1287) and al-Idrisi (12th century) as the first to nominate the Somali clan the Hawiye. But as Cerulli have already hypothesised, Ibn Said copied al Idrisi or derived, at least, his work from that of al Idrisi(xi). Al Idrisi, in his geographical work known under the name of “The Book of Roger” cites a small village near the Haafuun called Hadiya. Some scholars believe that the name refers to the Somali clan, the Hawiye. However there exists to this day, a small village near Haafun called Hurdiyo, very similar to that cited by al Idrisi. The geographer Al Dimashqi (1256-1327), confirms this impression writing:
From Mogadishu, travelling towards the north, you come to another black mountain, called the Khafuni, very dangerous for boats. The coast continues until the village of the Hawiyah, called as such for its intense heat. In Arabic, Hawiyat means inferno (xii).
And even when Hadiya is interpreted as the name of a clan, the most worthy of this attribution are the Ethiopian Hadiya and not the Somali(xiii).
The century to which Arab settlements date back.

Fig: Door of a house in Kisimayo (Banaadir)

The presence of Arabs in Banaadir in 1200 cannot be a matter for discussion. Mosques built by them, like Al Jaama’ in 1238 and Fakhruddiin in 1269, exist to this day. It is the opinion of many scholars that, once more serious archaeological studies are undertaken, the evidence of their presence will probably date back to the pre-Islamic period. The two oldest pieces of evidence relating to the founding of Mogadishu are two funereal epigraphs dating back to the 8th century. However, an English scholar has placed both under discussion. One, because it shows signs of erosion which have led to a misreading, the other because it has been misinterpreted. It is this last tombstone that will be considered since only one argument has so far been discussed. It is an ancient funereal stele sculpted from alabaster, on which is commemorated the death in 138 at Hegira of a lady of the name Hajia Bibi. The scholar Freeman-Grenville retains that, although the inscription is intact, the date 138 H should be read as 1138 H. He sustains that there are other examples, both in Mombasa and Mbweni, Tanzania, of this omission of the first number of the date when referring to the years following 1100 H(xiv).
In order to be accepted, this opinion, though authoritative, needs more concrete proof, all the more since he himself uses other examples of funereal inscriptions where the first number of the date has not been omitted(xv). It is not even rare, from one part of the coast to another, to encounter different customs among people of the same background. One only has to take the example of the noun, Bibi, still used today in Banaadir as a person’s name. In reality it is a noun of Persian origin equivalent to Madam. Its meaning is very similar in Kiswahili, in which it means Miss. Another useful example is the different meaning that the same unit of measurement can have in localities 100km apart. In fact, until the beginning of the 1900s, the weight the suus, at Mogadishu was the equivalent of 1 roll while at Brava and at Marka it was considered 6 rolls(xvi). With this it has been demonstrated that it can be misleading to make assumptions regarding peoples’ customs. The existence of a Banaadir Arab settlement prior to 1000 AD cannot be considered strange since there are numerous signs of their presence. The chronicle of Kilwa sustains that the date of foundation of Mogadishu by the Arabs dates back to 900 AD(xvii). Other documents found in Mogadishu report the genealogies of Arabs settled in the city between 766AD and 767AD(xviii). Chinese coins were found dating back to Emperor K’ai Yuan (713-742AD) of the T’ang dynasty(xix). Among the ruins of Gezira, about 20km south of Mogadishu, fragments of porcelain were discovered along with Islamic earthenware from the 9th and 10th centuries. In conclusion, the testimonies are many, since the epigraph of Hajia Bibi dated 138 H can easily be interpreted differently from the way in which it was written.
The education, the growth of foreign trade, the urbanisation and the first industries of Banaadir.

Fig: Sheikh Abu Bakr S. Muhiyiddiin (of the arab clan Al Faqi), Chief Qadi and Ulama in the 20s. It was he who provided Cerulli with some rare and precious documents, helping him to reconstruct the history of the Arabs in Banaadir. He was the owner of the The Book of the Zanjis published by the famous scholar. The ancient documents, originally came from the archives of his grandfather, Mu’allim Mukarram who died in 1850, and his father S. Muhiyiddiin, well-known as Mufti of Banaadir.

During the period of the diffusion of Islam, there was undoubtedly a greater social participation by the Arabs. The spreading of Islam required a fundamental point of departure, the principle of equality in education. Arab masters, where they could, without distinction between tribes, taught reading and writing in order that the Koran be understood. This altruistic behaviour (certainly dictated by religious ardour) to put at the disposition of everyone, a revolutionary arm such as education, facilitated their contact with other ethnic groups in the territory. Forms of organisation and Islamic administration took root profoundly in Banaadir and began to spread inland. There were many social transformations but the least studied is the effect that religious principles had on economic life. For example, at least in the coastal areas, one can suppose that Islam had a significant role in encouraging economic union. It is known that the Koran categorically forbids the payment of interest and prohibits any request for a larger sum than that loaned, riba (usury), regardless of the loan’s purpose:
Contemporary Muslim Economists interpret the prohibition in its context within the Koran. Richness is not condemned for itself but the pursuit of wealth as a primary objective is. In this context, the prohibition of riba refers to the risk-free interest rather than the profit. When a lender extorts a payment without taking into account the conditions under which the borrower accepted the loan, his action can be compared to exploitation and as such be considered socially irresponsible. If, on the other hand, the borrower has agreed to accept losses or to profit, of his own initiative, the riba is avoided since the borrower is considered a business partner(xx).
This lengthy explanation, regarding the illegality of interest, has been necessary since the primary activity of the Arabs was commerce. The fact that there were no credit or insurance institutions meant that, in the past, the laws of the Koran favoured the formation of partnerships, in which the participation and, therefore, the division of profits and losses was considered a way of not contravening Islam. Europeans misrepresented this behaviour as a sort of criminal association, ignoring the real reason that led to this union of capital among the Banaadirs. Others made every effort to represent all the coastal traders, above all those who lent money as usurers(xxi), without ever furnishing authentic or credible documents. In any case, from a solely economic point of view, one has to admit that those who lent money, even asking the interest forbidden by the Koran facilitated trade by acting as bankers. The Yemenite revolution comprised practically all areas of social life. The Yemenites introduced a system of weights and measures ( no more used) such as the ratl or roll (approx. 450gr.), the dra or arm (approx. 50cm.), the gizla (120kg), the frasla (approx. 36 rolls). The same balances that came to be used inland had been introduced by the coastal Arab traders(xxii) in an evident attempt to rationalise the measurement system, which had until that time been rather primitive and had been based on arbitrary bartering systems. Thanks to them there was a decisive internationalisation of commercial activity. All of southern Somalia, through the coastal city of Banaadir, was connected to the vast network of Muslim trade, which ran from the Arabian Peninsula, and the region of the Persian Gulf as far as western India. The coastal exporters almost always found a foreign market for local produce such as cattle, skins, butter, ivory, cereals, cotton, sesame, orchill and local cloth. Imports included rice, sugar, silk and cotton cloth, yarn for local industry, metal utensils etc.. New navigation methods were introduced. The French traveller F. Elliot wrote that in around 1925 at Ciovai (one of the Bajuuni islands) there was a naval yard in which sewn boats, mtepe, were built for long distance trade(xxiii). These sailing boats had been a common method of navigation since antiquity in Hadharmaut, the Yemen. Even if the heart of the whole system was foreign trade, the Arabs began to give life to industries that transformed local life. The Yemenites introduced the technique of extracting oil from sesame and until several decades ago the production of presses was still exclusive to them(xxiv). They even tried to produce glass. An exceptional account is related by Stefanini:
[...] Revoil found interesting drips of glass and ceramics at Mogadishu and recognised their similarity to others that he had found in the village of Scec Osman near Aden (xxv).
They introduced weaving techniques and the, now legendary, Banaadir textile industry was born. We know from Ibn Battuta that already in 1300 cloth was exported, and therefore industrially produced and marked up for sale, from Mogadishu to the Middle East. In this field, in depth research still needs to be carried out. There is not, as yet, evidence that Arabs worked at the loom but a drawing by Guillain from 1847(xxvi) demonstrates clearly an Arab managing his business; one that produced not only sesame seed oil but also spun cotton. This is the best piece of evidence that Arabs were not only involved in the trade of cloth but also in the production. Another indication supporting this theory regards the import of the primary material. Cotton had, up until the beginning of coltivation by the banaadirs, been imported by the Yemenites, who themselves went to Gujarat in India in dhow for their own supplies. One type of striped cloth, known as subaa’i, produced and used by both men and women in Banaadir was also used during the Middle Ages in Hadarmut in the Yemen(xxvii). Both in Banaadir and in Hadarmut the cloth is associated with traditional wedding ceremonies. One cannot fail to mention the undertaking and creativity of the Banaadir artisans who, despite their lack of capital, did everything they could to develop and compete with their ruthless American counterparts. In order to avoid dependence on foreign imports in Banaadir they also began to grow and export raw cotton. The new foreign market that had been created obviously spurred on agricultural production, carried out mostly by the Cuscite and Bantu groups. The most important evidence is relatively recent but, nonetheless significant. In 1843 Christopher confirmed that Banaadir had become the granary of southern Arabia. In 1847 Guillain noted a large surplus of cereals near to Afgoi, while Kirk, British consul to Zanzibar, counted dozens of dhow loading grain in the ports of Mogadishu and Marka. The Italian consul to Zanzibar, in a letter dated 1889, addressed to the Italian Prime Minister, Crispi, wrote:
[...]20 Mogadishu Arabs settled for about a year in a locality known as El Khor [...] they were supported by the capital of Mogadishu traders who had cornered the market in orchill(xxviii).
El Khor (pronounced Eel Huur) is a small village about 450km north of Mogadishu in the Mudug region. This is further proof that the Banaadir Arabs encouraged agricultural production, even in other regions, guaranteeing an income and a foreign market for local produce. The transformation of society was remarkable. From a form of subsistence production they passed to one led by the foreign market, connecting the coastal and inland villages. New commercial figures were born such as wholesale merchants and new buildings; warehouses along the coast for receiving merchandise. The problem created at El Khor deserves mentioning since it gives us a good idea of the difficult conditions in which coastal traders operated when dealing with Somali clans. From the letters of the Filonardi we know that the Majerteen (an underclan of the Darood) Chief of Hobbia, Yusuf Ali, not highly regarded by his own, mostly Hawiye, people asked for protection from the Italian government since,
The El Khor Arabs [...] returned and made agreements with internal tribes to declare war on me and close internal roads to me [...] they are ready to open hostilities [...] this war came to us from the sea[...](xxix)
But from the traveller Robecchi Bricchetti we know that some years earlier, prior to the arrival of Yusuf Ali an Arab trader, by the name of Muumin Awees, was creating, from nothing, at El Khor, on behalf of the people of Mogadishu, a successful commercial emporium. Awees built the only two buildings. Bricchetti writes that Awees was of the Agbal clan but from the letters of the Majerteen notable, who knew the trader well, it is clear that he was an Arab. Yusuf Ali felt overshadowed by Awees and, using all his force, sent him out of the area(xxx). If confrontation had not been possible between these two different accounts, it would have been easy to represent Mogadishu Arabs as exploiters and instigators of disharmony. In October 1925, the Italians forcefully occupied Obbia and deported the new Majerteen chief Ali Yusuf, son of Yusuf Ali, to Mogadishu. It seems, ironically, that in the capital, the Mogadishu chief and his entourage were put up, for a certain period, in a house put at his disposition by a Yemenite trader by the name of Abati.

Fig:Eel Huur, 1889. “Muumin Awees built the only two buildings”.

Turning back to the new innovations, the Yemenites were the undoubted protagonists of urbanisation. They created many more cities than the three commercial centres of Mogadishu, Marka and Brava (to name the most famous). The archaeologist Chittick in just two weeks succeeded in locating seventeen other ancient settlements in Banaadir alone(xxxi). Construction technologies and building materials underwent radical change. Cities were born made of multi storey houses. Houses built from limestone, mortar, lime and mangrove beams imported from Lamu. The main industry associated with this type of construction, apart from the mining of lime from the quarries, was obviously that of the kilns for baking the lime. The presence of fragments of sgraffiato ceramics at the ruins of a Mosque made from brickwork, discovered by Chittick at Munghia, near Marka, suggest that it dates back to the eleventh century making it the oldest discovered to date. The floor plan of this Mosque is rather similar to the hadramite Mosques, described in an article by the scholar Serjeant(xxxii). Several tombs at Chula and Bur Gao that bear traces of brickwork pillars have been interpreted as phallic references. This is an unacceptable explanation. However much the reason for this type of construction is unknown, it is undeniable that they have a strong resemblance to the minarets of Manakha in the Yemen(xxxiii). Among the ruins of Rasini, opposite the island of Ciula, we have a small example of the artistic elegance of which the Arabs were capable. In the words of Grottanelli,
[...] the small exquisite mihrab(xxxiv) in grey stone, already published by Revoil, is one of the most perfect monuments to Muslim art in East Africa(xxxv).

The policy of destroying monuments.
There is nothing amazing about the fact that so much civilisation was introduced by the southern Arabs. In the Yemen, from the 15th century BC to the 5th century AD, important civilisations flourished, such as that Mineans, Sabeans and Himyarits. The history of these great builders is witnessed by numerous ruins of temples, buildings and dams. In Banaadir, unfortunately, the destruction perpetrated on the ancient ruins, both by Somali from other regions and the colonial Italian government has denied history the possibility of reconstructing its past. They say that those who want to conceal the tracks of history are always iconoclasts; destroyers of buildings, temples and books. In fact at Mogadishu, it was the colonial government, at the ruins of Hamar Jab Jab to build an airstrip in 1920. In the 1929 Italian Touring Club guide it is stated that:
in the 1892 digs, objects of silver and gold, coins, fragments of spun glass and domestic utensils were uncovered(xxxvi).
It is not known where these objects ended up. How the port area of medieval Mogadishu was organised is now very difficult to ascertain. The reason is written by Professor Arecchi,
From the 1897 reliefs, we can suppose that the constructions excavated in the rock have been destroyed, but one notes the presence of two fascias of blocks, subsequently demolished to open up a coastal road running from the ancient city right down to the sea (xxxvii).
Prof. Arecchi, a lecturer in town planning at the Polytechnic of Algiers, was able to see in some dwellings, extraordinary architectural solutions. He said at a meeting in Pavia:
It is possible to see in these houses an avant-corps which frames an access room between two lateral walls, while the top floor is made up by the whole volume of a room, almost an entrance tower. This is a construction usage which is found on the western shore of the Persian Gulf, where it is believed that it could stop the dampness which saturates the sea air. And, indeed, during the Monsoon, in that open space in front of the access to the house, fast whirlwinds are created which cause the accumulation of dampness and salt deposits on the walls, and the sand falls on the ground without entering the house. The architectural refinement, born on the shores of Bahrain, is found also in some ancient houses of towns buried in the desert, as in Baghdad. At Mogadishu it survives the idea that gave its birth [...].

Fig: Baraawa. Architecture of Banaadir.

The colonial government, to make way for wide roads and new buildings, demolished the Shangani quarter, which constitutes perhaps the most important historical centre of Mogadishu, again. In a photo published by Professor Arecchi one can see the enormous dimensions of these demolished blocks(xxxviii). But it is the invaluable research of Professor Giuliano Gresleri that enlightens us to the perverse and appalling logic behind this destruction. He published part of a letter, written in 1940 by the vice governor general of Italian Africa, Nasi, in which he explains the reason for the destruction of the historical centre of Mogadishu thus:
The project [by the technicians of Mogadisghu] set out on the rigid understanding of keeping standing all the existing structures [...]. The political necessity which eventually would have suggested such a concept, even right and unquestionable, badly agrees with the other one political value which wants safeguarded all the principles for the defense of the race(xxxix)
It is clear that the ancient Banaadir civilisation, witnessed by the centre of Mogadishu, prevented the colonial government from proposing itself as the beacon of progress. The engineer Tumidei, who headed the technical office of the capital understood this and tried to oppose, with incredible courage, the folly of the vice governor:
The inspectorate of Addis Ababa- answered Tumidei – eliminates without distinctions all the old buildings of historical value or of characteristic aspect [...] in order to keep and to mark [...] the oriental architectural type and the local characteristics which have given to Mogadisshu a unique and, in the opinion of many, singularly pleasant aspect [...].

Fig: Wooden decoration of floral motifs in Marka (Banaadir)

The Somali, intended as the ethnic group, have always thought like Nasi. During the civil conflict that began in 1991, the USC, the armed organisation of the Hawiye clan, practically razed the Shangani quarter and destroyed the national museum. The Somali governments pre-1990 had reacted more subtly, leaving, indifferently, important monuments to the looting of foreign collectors. Siad Barre, the ex-dictator, named a corrupt and incapable relative as Minister for Antiquity, a collaborative role under the supervision of the Ministers of Art and Education. The English archaeologist Brandt describes the effects of these types of politics to us. In fact in 1988, during the digging of a sewer line in Hamar Weyn, the other historic quarter of Mogadishu, a large collection of archaeological finds including ceramics, metal objects, stone walls and human remains were uncovered. The workers threw everything in to the sea(xl). Almost certainly other Banaadir cities suffered the same fate, even if there are few witnesses. Stefanini tells us this of Marka:
As well as the walled city, the traces of its antiquity [...] have disappeared, due to, in part, the work of resident Captain Vitali who saw to the restoration of the houses and buildings to such an extent that today Marka is a model town!!! (xli)

The coins of Mogadishu as an image of an antique civilisation.

Fig: Coins from Mogadishu, , c. 1300 to 1700.

The scholar who has studied coins found in Banaadir more that any other is, undoubtedly, Freeman-Grenville(xlii). These coins date back to a period from 1300AD to 1700AD. A large part of them, several thousand, have been attributed to the Mogadishu mint even if the tools have not yet been discovered. The rest of those found came from Kilwa (Tanzania), Iraq, Turkey, Ceylon and China. The most important aspect of this find, apart from the reconstruction of the various ruling dynasties of Banaadir, lies in the surprising will of the Banaadir Arab elite to encourage innovative government programs such as the introduction of a monetary policy and, therefore, economic advancement. The uninitiated may not immediately understand the political significance but numismatist experts teach us that the existence of coins presupposes the existence of a recognised state that guarantees a value greater than that of just the metal. This is also concrete proof for the existence of a strategy of organisation, promotion and consensus of a political authority, apart from the already established aristocratic elite. These numismatic facts have often been useful to scholars of East Africa in demonstrating the existence of commercial contact between the Middle and Far East. Little attention, however, has been paid to the conscience of the Banaadirs with regard to money both in a political and economic context. The different value that coins had, like those of Ali Yusuf, prove that they had to decide upon a system adaptable for various levels of economic transactions. Through these we can read a clear will on the part of the authorities of the day to politically unify various localities, to improve commercial traffic and a declared desire for political autonomy. Even if the coins circulating in Mogadishu don’t seem to have been found inland there is no doubt that the Banaadir strategy was that of creating a stable and secure relationship through the monetary system. Originally economic trade between the coastal market traders of Banaadir and those inland were conducted through the archaic system of bartering. Since various clans controlled inland life, there was a need to recruit as many guarantors for security, known as abbaan, as there were underclans in all the territory. It was a fragmented, insecure market that led to price increases. Obviously these conditions made commercial expansion difficult. The possibility to increase volumes by exporting goods, with an increase in wealth both for the coastal areas through sales and marketing and for inland areas through production, was compromised. Many prefer to note the volume of Arab market traders, losing sight of the economic advantage for the inland suppliers, born as a result of their difficult work of promotion and their continual search for foreign clients. It is good to remember that Luuq, a town bordering with Ethiopia, became Somalia’s most important direct commercial contact with Ethiopia in the second half of the 1700s. This was thanks to a man of the Al Faqi clan of Mogadishu. The elders of Luuq tell that he left a European in the city, probably a business associate, who traded cloth sent from Banaadir for horses, ivory and rhinoceros horn(xliii). This is why every time the economic power of the city was reduced the first people to feel the effects were the inland clans. The example of Eel Huur, in which the inland farmers rebelled against those who had thrown the Arab traders, who had permitted them to export their merchandise, out of the area is very significant. Unfortunately this is a rare episode. Very often, the Somalis have not been able to intuit the sense of change and value of the opportunities that they were realising.

Fig: Chinese coins founded in Banaadir.

The relationship of the Italians with the Banaadir Arabs.

Fig: Notables "Reer Hamar" (natives of Mogadishu). Picture of 1930.

Before examining the information on slavery that comes from colonial sources, it is perhaps useful to mention the idea that the Italians had of the Arabs. Romolo Onor, an agronomist for the colonial government, trying to show them in a bad light, said this in 1925:
Even usury is one of their methods, the worst, exploitation by the coastal dealers on the producing population(xliv).
Instead, Grottanelli succinctly states:
The Arabs are often diligent and enterprising cultivators(xlv).
The Honorable Chiesi even wrote:
The Cadi (xlvi) who administer justice in Banaadir are somalised Arabs, that race which makes up the majority of the population in the cities. Their culture, rather mediocre and relative, one can sum up with the following; knowing how to read and write in Arabic, knowing the Koran by heart [...] But given this rather obtuse moral sense, of this species and of Orientals in general [...] one understands [...] how the various reported abuses are founded on the truth:(xlvii).
Certainly Enrico Cerulli, who gave great importance to the earliest Arab immigrants did not think as such. On them and their Cuscite pupils in 1923 he wrote this:
From what I have described in various chapters one can deduce the state of Islamic instruction among Somalis: a religious minority entitled to a truly remarkable culture:(xlviii)
Finally from the documentation of the Italian Ministry for Africa’s Historical Archive we know the reasons for which Yemenite soldiers were actively recruited for the colonial troops:
they were professional soldiers [...] much nearer in mentality to the dominating Europeans than the indigenous Africans [...] they adapted naturally to discipline as to any other aspect of the profession(xlix).
The enrolling of Somalis in the colonial troops, first gradually and then consistently, began when there were no more Yemenites willing to serve the colonial authority. A contradictory sentiment, therefore, that of the Italians towards the Arabs. A mixture of hate and respect conditioned by a cultural legacy with its origins in a very remote past.
Banaadir was the first Arab settlement on the East African coast. Before its somalisation, perhaps in the 18th centuryl, it was part of the culture and world of the Swahilis. The territory in which this coastal civilisation sprang up was 1500km long and spread 50km inland, from Warsheekh, north of Mogadishu, to Sofala, in Mozambique. The connection with the Swahili is assured, above all, by their common origins with most religious Yemenite teachers. For example, the Mafazi, the Shatiri, the Jamal Al Leyl, the Al Faqi and the Ba Alawi (li), who had settled from Banaadir in the Comore, were nearly all from the cities of Mukalla, Tarim, Shibam and Shihir in the Yemen. The Shatiri and the Jamal Al-Leyl were even comrades of Ahmad Gran’s in his Ethiopian campaign half way through the 16th century(lii) There are also similarities in their names for people and objects. One of Mogadishu’s oldest quarters, Shangani, is a Kiswahili name, which it shares with an ancient quarter of Zanzibar. Other Banaadir names like Bana and Mana are Kiswahili names, as is Mnara, the name by which the ancient tower of Abdulaziz is known. In Somalia, the Bravani and the Bagiuni still speak in a Kiswahili dialect. Rich Banaadir merchants have operated in Zanzibar, and viceversa, moving from one zone to another as if they were at home. In fact, Muhammed Abdulcadir al-Mansaby was the most famous Banaadir merchant in Zanzibar from 1820-1840. While Taira Topan, an Indian financier from Zanzibar, had businesses in Mogadishu, Brava and Marka. The most famous Banaadir was certainly Sheikh Muhiyy al-Din b. Sheikh al Kahtany, of the Wai’li clan of Brava. He operated in Zanzibar as the first “qadi sunnites” under the Sultan Sayid Said (1804). His successor Abdulaziz b. Abdulghani was born in Brava in 1833(liii). The Hatimi clan of Brava were also the founders of Dar es Salaam, the capital of Tanzania(liv). Therefore the economic and cultural ties between Banaadir and Zanzibar and the whole East African coast were very strong. Politically and socially, though, Banaadir was very different from Zanzibar. Above all, the dynasty of Al Bu’ Said, who had risen to power in Oman in 1749, reigned in Zanzibar in the 19th century. The Ya’aribah in 1652 began their intervention along the East African coast and transformed their country in to a formidable power. In 1730 from Cape Delgado to Cape Guardafui they succeeded in hunting down and stopping the terror of the Portuguese, who since 1497 had destroyed the whole of the Arab trade network with the Indians that had taken centuries to build. The Omani, a good part of whom, like to Hinawi, of Yemen origin were a small but incredibly capable and ambitious people. From 1832, the Abu Saidi, who supplanted the Ya’aribah in 1744, extended their influence in Banaadir. When, after the death of Sayid Said (1804-1856) the sovereign who took Oman to its most powerful, there were problems regarding the succession to the throne, the kingdom was divided and Zanzibar proclaimed itself independent, first under Sayyid Majid (until 1870) and then Said Barqash (until 1888). These dynastic stories are important since in 1840, when Zanzibar became the residence of Sayid Said and the economic capital of the Omani Empire, Banaadir began to prosper. The Banaadirs benefited notably from the new situation, the economy was reborn, and export of skins, cattle, ivory and cereals began again. It is enough to think that in 1811 the region had not yet recovered from the embargo caused by the Portuguese. The English captain, Smee, who in that year travelled the coast, reported that commerce in Mogadishu and Brava was non-existent(lv). Despite all that, they did not seem to be very grateful they never offered to collaborate with the Oman and they even lost the possibility to become a military power. And yet, after serious attacks by the Bimal Cuscite clan of Marka, on the Zanzibar functionaries, there were no blind reprisals, only the arrest of several people guilty of the massacre(lvi). All in all the Omani have always showed goodwill towards the Banaadir. For example, in 1837, Hashem Bedouni, the unpopular first functionary of the Sultan in Brava, was replaced by a Bravan Sheikh(lvii). The true objective of the Omani, successful for nearly a century, was that of creating an Empire that went from the waters of the Persian Gulf to the East African coast. In order to create and finance this military enterprise, unfortunately, they didn’t hesitate in entering actively in the slave trade, first at the request of the Europeans and then, after the abolition of slavery in 1830, to work in the plantations of Zanzibar. On the other hand, Banaadir never had a dynasty that gave weight to the formation of armed troops for security. Apart from that of Fakhruddin in the 13th century and that of Muzaffar in the 16th century(lviii), the real political authority of the region was religious dinasty(lix). During the dynasty of Fakhruddin, who guaranteed a military defence and period of well being for Mogadishu (behind which there were the Ulama of the religious clan of the Al Faqi), many dissident clans, worried by the attempts to institute a monarchy, actually preferred to emigrate from Mogadishu(lx). The Ulama were almost all of Arabic origin. And it is exactly their religious education system that produced characteristic leaders who sought to undermine slavery and, above all, detribalise all of southern Somalia. It was the period of Islamic confraternity of the 18th century; Qadirya, Ahmadia, Salihiya, Rahmania and Rifa’yyah. It is necessary to point out that the coastal Ulama didn’t share the choice of their pupils to embark on the mystic life of the traditional Sufi. The excessive veneration by the associates of the confraternity (tariqa) of the saints and of the spiritual guide, Khalifa, almost competing with the Prophet, was looked upon very suspiciously. The Ulama didn’t enjoy so much the ceremony dikr (a collective prayer in which several verses are repeated accompanied by sobbing and swaying) used by followers to reach an elevated mystical exaltation. The confraternities were reproached for their scarce propensity to deepen the foundations of juridical theory (usul al fiq). The spiritual guides of the confraternities often, in the first stage of their theological studies, took instruction from the coastal Ulama. Then they went to the Yemen and Arabia where they tried to procure an official investiture as deputies from the confraternity headquarters in order to exercise legitimately upon their return to Somalia. However, their tie to the Ulama was continuous and without any particular hostility. For example, the famous Sheikh Uwaiys (active between 1881 and 1902) the spiritual guide to the Qadirya confraternity, was in close rapport with Sheekh Sufi, spiritual guide of the only mystical school of Mogadishu. Sheikh Sufi (1829-1905), of the Arab clan of Shaanshiya was a good friend and neighbour of Sheikh Muhiyiddiin ibn Mukarram (d.1919), the Chief Qadi of Mogadishu of the Yemenite clan Al Faqi. Sheikh Muhiyiddiin was very critical of certain attitudes of the confraternities’ spiritual guides but he had always sought to maintain contact with them through his friend. Unfortunately we no longer have documents to prove this information but it is almost certain that the Ulama did not boycott the work of the confraternities since they, despite everything, constituted a formidable vehicle for the inland diffusion of Islam. The scholar Battera succeeded in describing this reality very well:
The activism the new turuq (confraternities) manifests itself in the foundations of agricultural communities tied exclusively to the religious bond. This social tendency is realised along the Shabelle and Juba rivers, [...] A first effect on southern Somali society is, therefore, social and political emancipation of the freed groups and a boon for the for clans.(lxi)
It is said that, Sheikh Uwaiys, a somalized ex-slave(lxii) of very humble origin, was very respected, even in Mogadishu. His confraternity, the Uwaiysia, a branch of the Qadiriya, was active in the Islamic resistance against European colonisation in Buganda in 1880, in the north of Mozambico (where is still strong), and even sent his emissaries to Java(lxiii). But what interested the confraternities of southern Somalia was the detribalisation and complete restructuring of the inland territory. They, despite their sensibility towards the anti-colonial struggle, were more alarmed by the problems of inland marginalization. Many of the leaders of these confraternities, not just Sheikh Uways, came from marginalized clans. Instead, the most famous confraternity of northern Somalia, the Salihiya of Mohammed Abdulla Hassan, was based on family ties and used religious discourse for political opportunity(lxiv). Followers of Mohammed Abdulla Hassan were responsible for the assassination of Sheikh Uways in 1909. Despite accusations that many confraternities did not oppose colonialism strongly enough, it was enough to alarm a cautious scholar like Cerulli who advised the government to:
limit, where possible, the relationships between the confraternities and the central offices in Arabia.(lxv)
The dialogue between the confraternities and the colonial authorities should not be considered as a definitive surrender but as a temporary political strategy. No more or less than the protective treaty undersigned by the Majerteen Chief of Hobbia, Ali Yusuf, in February 1889, in which he declared:
We have put our town Obbia and all our possessions from Meregh to Ras Aoud under the protection and government of Y. M. the great King of Italy and Umberto I. (lxvi)
In light of all this, it appears clear that slavery, the real slavery of chains and maltreatment, and tribalism were fought culturally from the bottom, by the coastal Ulama, through the confraternities. And it is evident just how disproportionate the estimation of the British Console of Zanzibar, Kirk, was. In 1870 he wrote that about 10,000 slaves were transported annually to Juba( lxvii). The explorer, Ferrandi, was at Luuq from 1895 to 1897 affirmed that:
in general, from the coastal regions to Banaadir, there are no caravans of slaves but the Gherra, ivory importers from the Borana, in every one of their caravans, usually very small, have 4-6 slaves.(lxviii)
Ferrandi tells us that the Gherra, a Cuscite clan also known as Garre, didn’t catch slaves in raids but bought them directly from their Boran families(lxix). This gives us another idea of the smallness of the trafficking.
The Italian explorer did not collect any evidence that, some decades earlier, enormous caravans of thousands of slaves passed by there. If that had been the case the elders of Luuq would not have forgotten. It is more probable that Kirk was misinformed. Above all the militia of the freedman, Nassib Bunto, was already operational and know as Goscia by the Somalis. Goscia refers to a strip of land running along both banks of the Juba River.
Diplomatic documents confirm that during the reign of Said Barqash (1870-1882) these people supplied the Chief of Goscia with gun powder and guns, (Camera dei Deputati, 1895:224)(lxx).
These arms were probably bartered for ivory. While at Bardera there was already a confraternity in 1821(lxxi). In any case Sheriff, whose study of slavery in Zanzibar remains the most serious and documented, defines Kirk’s number as an exaggeration(lxxii). The same author tells us that, in 15 years of coastal reconnaissance, from 1858 to 1873, 40 out of 300 of the boats, captured by the English Navy, in the ports of Brava and Marka had on board approximately 1500 slaves. The Hammerton treaty had abolished the slave trade, from Kilwa in the south to Lamu in the north, in 1845. The author retains that they were headed towards Banaadir since there wasn’t enough food on board to affront a long voyage(lxxiii). Even if this statistic doesn’t tell us much, it helps us to imagine the level of traffic. A level much lower than Kirk’s estimation. However, it is certain that a quantity of slaves was imported from Mozambique. In fact, the majority of groups descended from slaves, living along the banks of the Juba, sustain that they are Niasa or Yao. This coincides with Sheriff’s research in which it states that these groups constituted the majority of slaves used in Zanzibar(lxxiv). Sheriff specifies that:
[...] Makua, Makonde, Ndonde and Yao were continually at war, solely to make each other prisoners,whom they sell.(lxxv)
It is, however, difficult to say whether or not they numbered less than 30,000, as sustained by Italian diplomatic documents(lxxvi). There are strong doubts that the freedmen have overlapped along the river Juba with other groups such as the Waboni, who were never slaves.(lxxvii) The phenomenon of slavery shouldn’t have been widespread in Banaadir if:
[...] few landholders had more than 10 or 15 slaves.(lxxviii)
The theory sustained by the scholar Cassanelli is that the huge exports of cereals registered in the ports of Marka and Mogadishu in the 19th century, referred to by Guillain in 1847 and Kirk in 1873, would only have been possible with the help of slaves in the plantations. It is supposed that the workforce in Mogadishu would not have been large enough(lxxix). What the scholar does not take into account is that such large quantities of cereals could have easily come from the lands behind Banaadir. That is to say the land occupied by the Cuscite clan, the Reewin. In fact, the only eyewitness account we have of that plantation was written by an Italian explorer, Vannutelli, in 1895, who wrote:
We are in the centre of Baidoa. Who has not seen this region, known rightly as the granary of Somalia, cannot imagine how, after so much scrub land, there can be, as if in a dream, a land so fertile. [...] In order to have an idea of just how ferocious, one just has to think of the rich cultivation of our own countryside. The plain is as far as the eye can see like an immense tropical garden, all cultivated with corn, cotton, beans and tobacco [...] Nor think that it isn’t ploughed or in need of water. In every one of the numerous villages cisterns have been dug between the fields to collect rainwater, more than enough for both the people and the animals. (lxxx)
Vannutelli tells also of his meeting with Boran and Sidama slaves at Luuq who asked his help to escape from the Somalis and return to Ethiopia. It is not clear just in how many they were. In conclusion, it is certain that a limited quantity of slaves, above all from Mozambique, were brought to Somalia. It is very probable that the development of the coastal cities and the plantations of Bay and Bakool attracted groups of immigrants, fleeing from tribal wars in southern Ethiopia. Many of these were, probably, mistaken for slaves, when in realty they were only poor farm labourers ready to do the humblest tasks in an area where the workforce was not sufficient. But above all, the struggle against what little slavery existed is not to be underestimated, a struggle by the coastal Ulama and the inland confraternities, taken up long before the instrumental intervention of the Europeans.
CONCLUSION
In summary, the scarce attention the Banaadir Arabs have been paid by scholars is the fault of ideological prejudices. The western tendency has always been to demonstrate that the social and economical situation of the country improved with colonisation. But we know that it was not like this. Education, market production, merchant capitalism, foreign trade and monetary economics had already been known in Banaadir for several centuries, thanks to the Arabs.
Summary
More than 1000 years ago Yemen supplied Somalia with human resorces, organisation systems and very valuable technics. The real protagonists of the urbanization of Benadir land were people of Yemen, who founded the first schools, being involved in the instruction field. In these schools people could learn how to read and write arabic, so as to understand the Koran. Yemenite people developed the economy of the country on an international scale and linked it to the wide world trade of the muslem world. They introduced a monetary system, improved the agricultural output, imported technics related to the oil production, tried to maufacture the glass and built up a navy yard. Enrico Cerulli of Italy was the only one who understood the importance of yemenite people and started the first studies about their history. Except for this historian, no serious and methodical survey has been done as regards their influence on the formation of Somalia of the present days. In this article we try to analyse the reason why these reserved and quiet people have guaranted peace and stability while having a real political power. We try to understand above all the reason why they have been ignored by officiale history.
Resumè
Pendant plus de mille ans, le Yémen a fournit à la Somalie des ressources humaines, des systèmes d’organisation et des techniques de grande valeur. Les vrais protagonistes de l’urbanification du Benadir ont été les yéménites qui fondèrent les premières écoles et s’engagèrent dans l’instruction de la population. Dans ces écoles, les gens pouvaient apprendre à lire et à écrire l’arabe pour mieux comprendre le Coran. Ils développèrent l’économie du pays à l’échelle internationale en le reliant au vaste monde commercial islamique. Ils introduisirent un système monétaire et des techniques de production d’huile de sésame, encouragèrent la production agricole, tentèrent d’introduire la verrerie artistique et construisirent des chantiers navals. L’italien Enrico Cerulli a été l’unique chercheur à comprendre l’importance des yéménites dans ce contexte et entreprit donc les premières études sur leur histoire. A l’exception de cet homme d’étude, aucune sérieuse et systématique recherche n’a été entreprise sur l’influence que les yéménites ont eu sur la formation de l’actuelle Somalie. Dans cet article nous essayerons d’analyser la raison pour laquelle ce peuple réservé et tranquille a pu garantir la paix et la stabilité lorsqu’il avait un pouvoir politique réel. Nous tenteront surtout de comprendre pour quelles raisons ils ont été ignoré par l’histoire officielle.

i T. Filesi Mogadiscio tanti secoli fa, Africa, 2. Roma, 1996, pp.272
ii The Arabs of Banaadir, can be classified in two groups: the natives like Abdi Samad, Abikarow, Al Faqi, Amudi, Ba Alawi, Ba Hamesh, Ba Fadl, Ba Sadiikh, Hatimi, Gudmana, Shanshiya, Reer Sheekh, Shiiqaal Gendershe, Wa’ili, Gabra, Moallimu, Abdishaqaale, Bè, al Kindi, al Ausii, al Khadhrajii, Nòfali and those who immigrated one century ago like Ba Omar, Kathiri and Yaafi’i. Actually the yemenites of the last immigration come from all side of Yemen.
iii The region Banaadir extends northwards to Warsheekh of Mogadishu, and southwards to Bur Gao, near the border with Kenya. This is the historical extension of Banaadir which i refer to in this article.
iv Herbert Lewis, The origins of the galla and somali, Journal of African History, VII, I,1966, pp. 27-46; E.R. Turton, Bantu, Galla and Somali Migration in the Horn Of Africa, Journal of African History, XVI,4,1975, pp.519-537
v E. Cerulli, Somalia. Scritti vari ed inediti, I vol., Roma, Istituto Poligrafico dello stato,1957, pp.111
vi H. Lewis, pp.30
vii R.B Serjeant, Society and trade in South Arabia, London, Variorum, 1996, cap. I, pp. 68.
viii G.R. Tibbetts, Arab Navigation in the Indian Ocean before the coming of the portoguese, London, The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland,1971, pp. 207 e 422.
ix E. R. Tourton, pp. 525.
x E. Cerulli, pp. 286.
xi E. Cerulli, pp. 94.
xii C. C. Rossini, Storia d’Etiopia. Milano, Officina dell’Arte Grafica A. Lucini e C.,1928, pp. 330.
xiii Hagi S. Nuredin, Cronache per sentito dire, Nigrizia, maggio, 1999, pp. 47-49.
xiv G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, Medieval evidences for swahili, Journal of the East African Swahili Commitee, no. 29/1, january, Kampala, 1959, pp. 11; Medieval History of the Coast of the Tanganyika, Oxford,1962, pp. 28 note 30.
xv G.S.P. Freeman Grenville /B.G Martin, A preliminary handlist of the arabic inscriptions of the african coast, in G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, The swahili coast, 2nd to 19th centuries, London,Variorum Reprints, 1988, pp.105-107.
xvi U. Ferrandi, Lugh: emporio commerciale sul Giuba, Roma, Società Geografica Italiana, 1903, pp. 347.
xvii E. Cerulli, pp. 20
xviii E. Cerulli, pp. 25-27.
xix T. Filesi, Testimonianza della presenza cinese in Africa, in Africa, maggio/giugno,1962, pp. 115; Teobaldo Filasi, Le relazioni della Cina con l’Africa nel Medio-Evo,Milano, Giuffrè, 1975.
xx Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Islam e Finanza, Torino, Ed. Fondazione Giovanni Agnelli,1991, pp. 276.
xxi Romolo Onor, La Somalia Italiana, Torino, Fratelli Bocca Editori, 1925, pp.88; U. Ferrandi, pp. 342.
xxii U. Ferrandi, pp. 348.
xxiii V.G. Grottanelli, I pescatori dell’Oceano Indiano, Roma, Cremonese, 1955, pp. 196.
xxiv R. Onor., pp. 71.
xxv G. Stefanini, In Somalia: note e impressioni di viaggio, Firenze, Felice Le Monnier, 1922, pp. 25.
xxvi E. Cerulli, fig. XI.
xxvii R.B.Serjeant , Customary and Shari’ah law in arabian society London, Variorum, 1991, XII, pp.476.
xxviii Comitato per la documentazione delle attività italiane in Africa, L’Italia in Africa:Oceano Indiano, Roma, Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato,1968, pp. 33.
xxix Comitato, 1968, pp. 105.
xxx L. Robecchi-Bricchetti, Somalia e Benadir, Milano, Carlo Aliprandi Editore, 1899, pp.183.
xxxi N. Chittick, An Archaelogical recoinnaisance of the Southerno Somali Coast, Azania, 1969, p. 115-30; Neville Chittick, Mediaeval Mogadishu, Paideuma-Mitteilungen zur Kulturunde, 8, 1982, p.47-62.
xxxii R.B.Serjeant, Mihrab, School of oriental and African Studies, volume XXII, 1959, pp. 445.
xxxiii An example of these minarets is reported in the text of P. Costa e E. Vicario, Yemen paese dei costruttori, Milano, Electa,1977 (fig 88). One cannot exclude the hypothesis that the tombs at Chula coarse imitation of the Turkish tombs at Gurgan, constructed from a very high pillar overhung by a conical cover. One cannot say, with todays knowledge, who introduced this type of construction. nor do we know what inspired the Turks but it is assumed that at least the conical cover comes from the traditional Turkish yurt, a portable tent with a conical root.
xxxiv Mihrab: niche in the Mosque wall indicating the prayer direction.
xxxv V.G. Grottanelli, pp. 76.
xxxvi V. Bertarelli, Guida d’Italia del Touring Club Italiano, Possedimenti e colonie, Milano, T.C.I.,1929, pp. 755.
xxxvii A. Arecchi, L’immagine di Mogadiscio, in Atti del Convegno di L. Robecchi Bricchetti e la Somalia, Pavia, Camera di Commercio Industria e Artigianato e Agricoltura, 1979, pp. 75.
xxxviii A. Arecchi, Mogadiscio e i problemi dell’urbanesimo in Somalia, in Bollettino della Società geografica Italiana, ser. XI, 1984,
pp. 646.
xxxix G. Gresleri Architettura italiana d’oltremare 1870-1940, Venezia, Marsilio, 1993, pp. 210.
xl S. A. Brandt e O. Y. Mohamed, Starting from scratch, in P.R. Schmidt e R. S. Mc Intosh, Plundering Africa’s Past, London, Currey, 1996, pp. 255.
xli G. Stefanini, pp. 53.
xlii G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, Coins from Mogadishu, in G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, The swahili coast, 2nd to 19th centuries, London, Variorum Reprints, 1988.
xliii U. Ferrandi, pp. 215; E.A. Alpers, Muqdishu in the nineteenth century: a regional perspective, Journal of African History, 24, 1983, pp. 242.
xliv R. Onor, pp.88.
xlv V.L. Grottanelli, pp. 331.
xlvi Cadi (or Qadi): islamic judge
xlvii G. Chiesi e E. Travelli, Le questioni del Benadir: Atti e relazione dei commissari della Società, Milano, Bellini,1904, pp. 360.
xlviii E. Cerulli pp. 210.
xlix Comitato per la documentazionedell’opera dell’Italia in Africa, L’Italia in Africa:l’opera dell’esercito, Roma, Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1960, pp. 81.
l E. Cerulli, pp. 24.
li The Ba Alawi, well known like Asharaf, are commomnly mentioned in Hadrami documents of the 16th century such as Bal-Faqi (R. B. Serjeant, Customary and Shari’ah law in arabian society, London, Variorum, 1991: XI, pp. 6, note 3).
lii Abdul Sheriff, The History and conservation of Zanzibar Stone Town, London, James Currey, 1995, pp. 49.
liii A. Sheriff, 1995, pp.73.
liv Freeman-Grenville, 1988, cap. IV, pp. 144.
lv Freeman-Grenville, 1988, cap. IV,157
lvi Lee V. Cassanelli, The Shaping of somali society, Philadelphia, of Pennsylvania Press, 1982, pp. 198.
lvii Marisa Molon - Alessandra Vianello, Brava, città dimenticata, in Storia Urbana n. 53, 1990, pp. 201
lviii E. Cerulli, pp.13.
lix E. Cerulli, pp.17.
lx E. Cerulli, pp.17.
lxi Federico Battera, Le confraternite islamiche somale di fronte al colonialismo(1890-1920): tra opposizione e colloborazione, in Africa, LVIII, 2, Roma, 1998, pp.162
lxii E. Cerulli, pp. 200.
lxiii F. Battera, pp.161.
lxiv F. Battera, pp.169.
lxv E. Cerulli, pp. 200.
lxvi Comitato, 1968, pp. 35-36.
lxvii Lee V. Cassanelli, The Shaping of somali society, Philadelphia, of Pennsylvania Press, 1982, pp. 169.
lxviii U. Ferrandi, pp. 113.
lxix U. Ferrandi, pp. 111.
lxx Francesca Declich, I Goscia della regione del medio Giuba nella Somalia meridionale, in Africa, IV 1987, pp. 592.
lxxi F. Battera, pp158.
lxxii Abdul Sheriff, Slaves, spices and ivory in Zanzibar, London, James Currey,1987, pp.72.
lxxiii Abdul Sheriff, Localisation and social composition of the east african slave, 1858-1873, in Clarence-Smith/W. Gervase, The economics of the Indian Ocean: slave trade in the nineteenth century, London, Cass and Company Limited, 1989, pp. 134.
lxxiv A. Sheriff, 1989, pp. 144.
lxxv A. Sheriff, 1987, pp. 42
lxxvi F. Declich, pp. 583.
lxxvii F. Declich, pp. 573.
lxxviii L. V. Cassanelli, 1982, pp 173.
lxxix L. V. Cassanelli, 1982, pp. 166-167; L. V. Cassanelli, The ending of slavery in Italian Somalia, in S. Miers-R. Roberts, The end of slavery in Africa, Madison, University of Wisconsin in Press, 1988, pp. 313.
lxxx L. Vannutelli- C. Citerni, L’Omo: viaggio d’esplorazione nell’Africa Orientale, Milano, Hoepli, 1899, pp. 66.

2006-02-19T09:00:00.000-08:00

Sun Tzu and his sophisticated analysis of the conflicts
(Bilingual text: English-Italian )
I don’t know if those people who are involved in politics in “Somalia” have ever heard about Sun Tzu, but at this moment of “simulated negotiations” we are assisting to, it is perhaps worth to remind an important warning of Master Sun.
First of all, we introduce this important figure. Sun Tzu is the author of the “Art of War”, treatise of Chinese military art. Although it is about 2500 years old, it is still read and used in various fields, from politics to economy. Its incredible success is not in the technique itself, but in the philosophy it goes upon. The “Art of the War” is a model of strategy applied by the minorities that choose guerrilla warfare to gain freedom. This success is due to its power of teaching to convert the advantages of more numerous adversaries in disadvantages and one’s own limits in strength. It is a treatise that was admired by Napoleone, Mao Zedong, Lin Biao, Ho Chi-mingh, Von Nguyen Giap, Laurence of Arabia, Nixon, in C.I.A. and K.G.B circles. The tactics and the concepts expressed in this work were incorporated in the modern handbook of the world army, included The Marine Corps. The Japanese companies continuously organise courses in which they teach the concepts of the Master Sun for the conquest of the markets.
A work with this profile could induce to imagine a succession of mortal strategy. On the contrary, with great surprise, Sun Tzu considers that the greatest victory is gained without fight and bloodshed, and gives the possibility to conquer an intact territory.
The Cold War that led up to the crash the superpower Soviet Union, had developed its strategy starting from the doctrine of Sun Tzu. USSR was forced to arm itself, more and more, up to drive itself into a ruinous economy that had originated an intolerable social poverty.
All this suggests that it would be better to take very seriously Sun Tzu’s warning. And when he asserts “I've heard someone who speaks about wars won thanks to the rapidity even if led in a clumsy way. But I have never heard about an army who benefited from a long war. And those who don't realize this mistake, are incompetent persons. If people are obliged to supply soldiers and provisions more than twice in succession, will become exhausted and fall in misery.” In short, Sun Tzu does not compromise on this aspect. When the conflicts become long, lead people to defeat. Because, in addition to economic problems, the same “leaders” will be contested and many new suitors to leadership will be born.
This is a clear and severe warning for those who for 15 years have drowned the south of “Somalia” in blood and misery. Sun Tzu doesn’t have advices about how to get out from disaster for those who become embroiled in prolonged conflicts. But we must. I've got to advance some working hypothesis. And in the case of “Somalia”, an alternative which is not to underestimate is to involve the Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Jareer in considerable way at every levels of this phase of transition. For Banaadiri I mean all inhabitants from Banaadir, the coast belt between Warshiikh and the boundary with Kenya. For Banaadiri I also mean the hundreds of thousands Muwallidiin who left Banaadir and are spread from the San’a mountains to the Mukalla rivers. I claim this for a simple consideration: southern people are more motivated to bring back peace in the south of the country. They learned the lesson, they know the value of the discipline and all of them are ready: both those who remained in the territory and those who escaped abroad. The ostracism of this base led up to ruin the military regime of Siad Barre, the damage to the disarmed southern people destroyed the credibility and the international image of Somali militias. Going on with the boycott against Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Jareer, with various undertones, will carry out the failure of all the plans to bring back peace in the south of the country. When problems happen the Somali escape to their villages of origin, but southern people are obliged to remain at home and that is why their desire to resolve the problem is ten times bigger than the one of other people.
Next meeting that will take place in Baidoa between the federal government and the contestant factions, even if successful or not, must be the last warning for southern people: the return of the peace in the south of Somalia is not in the hands of Somali, but of Banaadiri, of Digil, of Mirifle and of Jareer. Southern people have an already determined politically aware cadres, have a numerical weight which is enough to let peace bring back and a population which is tired to be mocked by schemers who don’t care about peace, because are involved in big affairs. The imbalance between Somali and southern people is founded on the fact that Somali received a strong military help by foreign countries: that is all.
I conclude with a last consideration. Various experts argue that the reasons of every conflicts are to be found in the divergence of interests and in the presence of grudge. These two conditions alone are not enough to spark off a conflict. It is necessary a third element to trigger it, which is "to perceive the available resources like meagre. A conflict about resources considered abundant can hardly happen, except when there is a feeling of unfair distribution". The most interesting reflection of this analysis is the following one: to generate a conflict it is sufficient that scarcity becomes a figment of people’s imagination.
It is on this point that those who sincerely work for the peace must concentrate. We have to go ahead with the demonstration that an enormous territory like “Somalia”, able to feed more than 100 millions inhabitants without running any risk, cannot find difficulty to give a decent future to just 5 millions inhabitants. But, to give this kind of demonstration, it is necessary to involve the most motivated and creative persons who are available to collaborate.

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Sun Tzu e la sua raffinata analisi dei conflitti
Non so se coloro che fanno “politica” in “Somalia” abbiano mai sentito parlare di Sun Tzu, ma in questo periodo di “trattative finte” a cui stiamo assistendo, forse vale la pena di ricordare un importante avvertimento del “Maestro Sun”. Presentiamo innanzitutto questo famoso personaggio. Sun Tzu è l’autore di “The Art of the War”. Un trattato di arte militare cinese che sebbene sia antico di 2.500 anni, è tuttora letto ed usato nei campi più diversi, dalla politica alla economia. Il suo incredibile successo non sta nella tecnica in sé, ma la filosofia su cui è basato. “The Art of the War”è un modello di strategia amato dalle minoranze che scelgono la guerriglia per conseguire l’indipendenza. Ciò è dovuto al fatto che insegna a trasformare i vantaggi di un avversario più numeroso in svantaggi e i propri limiti in punti di forza. E’ un trattato che ha trovato estimatori in Napoleone, Mao, Ho Chi-mingh, Laurence d’Arabia, Nixon, negli ambienti della C.I.A. e del K.G.B. Le tattiche e i concetti espressi in questa opera sono stati incorporati negli odierni manuali degli eserciti di tutto il mondo, compreso il Corpo dei Marines. In Giappone le aziende organizzano continuamente corsi in cui insegnano a trasferire i concetti del Maestro Sun, nella conquista dei mercati.
Un’opera con questo profilo potrebbe indurre ad immaginare un susseguirsi di strategie mortali. Invece, con grande sorpresa, Sun Tzu considera che la vittoria più grande sia quella ottenuta senza combattere e che permette di conquistare un territorio intatto e senza spargimento di sangue.
La “guerra fredda” che ha portato al crollo la superpotenza Unione Sovietica, aveva sviluppato la sua strategia partendo dalla dottrina di Sun Tzu. L’Urss fu costretta ad armarsi sempre di più fino a condurla dentro una economia interna squilibrata che aveva originato una intollerabile povertà sociale.
Tutto questo ci suggerisce che gli avvertimenti di Sun Tzu è meglio prenderli molto sul serio. E quando afferma “Ho sentito parlare di guerre vinte grazie alla rapidità anche se condotte in modo maldestro, ma non ho mai sentito di un’armata che ha tratto vantaggio da una lunga guerra. E coloro che non si rendono conto di questo, sono degli incapaci. [...] Se si obbliga il popolo a fornire soldati e provviste per più di due volte di seguito diventerà esausto e cadrà nella miseria.”
Insomma Sun Tzu, non transige su questo punto. I conflitti quando diventano lunghi, si è destinati alla sconfitta. Perché, oltre ai problemi economici, la stessa “leadership” sarà contestata e nasceranno molti pretendenti al comando.
E’ un monito chiaro e severo per coloro che da 15 anni hanno affondato la “Somalia” nel sangue e nella miseria. Sun Tzu non ha consigli da dare sul come uscire fuori dal disastro a chi è invischiato in conflitti prolungati.
Ma noi dobbiamo avanzare per forza delle ipotesi di lavoro. E nel caso della “Somalia”, una alternativa da non sottovalutare è sicuramente quello di coinvolgere i banaadiri, Digil, Mriflle e Jareer in modo considerevole a tutti i livelli di questa fase di transizione. . Per Banaadiri intendo tutti gli abitanti originari del Banaadir che è quella fascia costiera che va da Warshiikh fino al confine con il Kenya. Per Banaadiri intendo anche le centinaia di migliaia di Muwallidiin che hanno lasciato il Banaadir e sono sparpagliati dalle montagne di San’a fino alle rive di Mukalla.
Sostengo questo per una semplice considerazione: i popoli del sud sono quelli più motivati a riportare la pace nel sud del paese. Hanno imparato la lezione, conoscono il valore della disciplina e sono tutti pronti: quelli rimasti nel territorio e quelli fuggiti all’estero. Emarginare questa base ha portato alla rovina il regime militare di Siad Barre, colpire i popoli disarmati del sud ha distrutto l’immagine internazionale delle milizie armate somale. Perseverare nel boicottaggio contro i banaadiri, Digil, i Mriflle e i Jareer con varie sfumature, porterà al fallimento di tutti i progetti per riportare la pace nel sud del paese. Quando capitano i problemi, i somali si rifugiano nei loro villaggi di provenienza, ma i popoli del sud non possono che rimanere nel loro territorio perciò il loro desiderio di risolvere il problema non può che essere molto maggiore rispetto a quello degli altri.
Il prossimo incontro che avverrà a Baidoa fra il governo federale con le fazioni dissidenti, che abbia successo o no, deve costituire il definitivo avvertimento per i popoli del sud: il ritorno della pace nella “Somalia” meridionale non sta nelle mani dei somali ma dei Banaadiri, dei Digil, dei Mirifle e dei Jareer. I popoli del sud hanno oramai quadri politici preparati, il peso numerico sufficiente per far ritornare la pace e una popolazione stanca di essere presa in giro da faccendieri senza scrupoli che non hanno nessun interesse alla pace perché stanno facendo dei grandi affari. Lo squilibrio fra somali e i popoli del sud è dovuto al fatto che i somali hanno ricevuto un forte sostegno militare dall’estero: tutto qui.
Concludo con un’ultima considerazione. Diversi studiosi sostengono che le cause di ogni conflitto sono generate dalla divergenza di interessi e dalla presenza di un rancore. Queste due condizioni da sole non sono sufficienti a scatenare un conflitto. Occorre un terzo elemento che lo inneschi e cioè quello di “percepire le risorse disponibili come scarse”. Difficilmente si genera un conflitto in merito a risorse che sono ritenute abbondanti, a meno che non ci siano sensazioni su una loro ingiusta distribuzione. La parte più interessante di questa analisi, è data dal fatto che indica che per generare un conflitto è sufficiente che la scarsità sia il frutto dell'immaginazione delle parti in gioco. Ed è su questo punto che devono concentrarsi coloro che lavorano sinceramente per la pace. Bisogna procedere alla dimostrazione che un territorio enorme come la “Somalia”, in grado di nutrire tranquillamente più di 100 milioni di abitanti, non può trovare difficoltà a dare un futuro decente ad appena 5 milioni di abitanti. Ma per dare una dimostrazione di questo tipo occorre coinvolgere le persone più motivate e creative che sono disponibili a collaborare.

2006-02-12T09:55:00.000-08:00

“Somalia” like Macedonia

(Bilingual text: English- Italian)

I received a lot of e-mails after my article “Somalia: a tribal name unsuited to a multiethnic country” was published on the http://www.markacadeey.com/ website. Some of these letters, even if they did not question the gist of my observations, were of the view that it was not opportune nor fundamental to open a new chapter of contestation over the name “Somalia” during these times of dramatic historical events.
I still insist that the question is not at all secondary, and would like to illustrate the point with a couple of examples.
Let’s suppose that “Somalia” had been called Azania ( no particular reason for this name it’s just an easy name to use as an example, and is easy to pronounce ). To describe the political events of the last 15 years everyone would agree that there are two wars going on in “Azania”:
a) a civil war for power among Somali tribes
b) a war of aggression by Somali tribes against the Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Jareer.

Therefore, a different name such as “Azania” would make it possible to highlight that:
a) Somali tribes were the cause of the problems in “Azania”
b) Two armed struggles were going on with different objectives: a power struggle and ethnic cleansing.
Following this clear and open line of reasoning, international diplomacy could move more effectively in setting up peace talks between the Somali tribes in “Azania”, and at the same time help the Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Jareer to defend themselves in the war of aggression waged against them by the Somalis. The UN also recognises the right of people to defend themselves when unjustly attacked. This war, which has been going on for over 15 years, would finish in little time given that the territory is enormous, lacking natural hideouts such as gorges and mountains, is thinly populated and poor for the most part.
Events over recent years, such as those over the question of the name “Macedonia”, have shown that the name of a country is a very delicate, and is not at all a secondary matter.
On 8 September 1991, The Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia declared its independence. On 17 January 1992 the EC began the process to formally recognise Macedonia as a sovereign state. The only country to oppose this was Greece who said it would only recognise this new state if it gave up claims to the name “Macedonia”. The problem was that the north western area of Greece is also known as Macedonia, and the fear was, and is, to avoid any possible future claim on this part of its territory by the new state of Macedonia. The battle over the name between Greece and Macedonia was bitter and did much to poison relations between the two,and needed the mediation of the UN. In 1993, the new republic accepted as a provisional solution the name imposed by the UN, that of FYROM which comes from the English acronym “Former Yugoslav Republic Of Macedonia”.
The choice of this name also created tension within the FYROM. The Albanian ethnic group feel that the name “Macedonia “ is itself unsuitable as it refers only to the Macedonians, and doesn’t reflect the multi-ethnic nature of the country.
So even Europe is aware of the devastating effects the choice of an unsuitable name can have on a multi-ethnic state.

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“Somalia” come Macedonia

Dopo che il mio articolo “Somalia: a tribal name unsuited to a multiethnic country” fu pubblicato sul webste http://www.markacadeey.com/ ho ricevuto molti mails. Alcuni di queste lettere, pur non mettendo in discussione il nocciolo delle mie osservazioni, ritenevano che in questi drammatici momenti storici, aprire un capitolo di contestazione del nome “Somalia” non era né opportuno né fondamentale. Io, invece, insisto ancora sul fatto che la questione non è affatto secondaria e vorrei illustrare con un paio di esempi.
Supponiamo che la “Somalia” fosse stata chiamata Azania (non ho legami affettivi con quest’ultimo nome, ma mi serve solo come esempio ed è facile da pronunciare). Per descrivere gli eventi politici degli ultimi 15 anni, tutti avrebbero convenuto che in “Azania” sono in corso due guerre:
a) una guerra civile per il potere fra tribù somale
b) una guerra di aggressione delle tribù somale a danno dei banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle e dei Jareer”.
Quindi, un nome differente come “Azania” avrebbe permesso di evidenziare che:
a) Le tribù somale sono la causa dei problemi in “Azania
b) Erano in corso due eventi bellici con obbiettivi differenti: lotta per il potere e pulizia etnica
Seguendo questa linea di ragionamento, chiara e limpida, le diplomazie internazionali potevano muoversi meglio promovendo in “Azania” trattative di pace fra le tribù somale e aiutando contemporaneamente i banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle e Jareer a difendersi dalla guerra di aggressione dei somali. Questa guerra che dura ormai da oltre 15 anni sarebbe finita in brevissimo tempo perché il territorio è enorme, privo di nascondigli come gole e montagne, e sopratutto abitato da una popolazione povera e poco numerosa.
Che il nome di uno stato sia un argomento molto delicato e tutt’altro che secondario, lo dimostrano anche fatti recentissimi come la questione sul nome “Macedonia”.
L’8 settembre 1991 la Repubblica Iugoslava di Macedonia dichiarò la propria indipendenza. Il 17 gennaio 1992 la Comunità Europea avviò il processo di riconoscimento della Macedonia come stato sovrano. L’unico stato che si oppose fu la Grecia che spiegò che avrebbe riconosciuto il nuovo stato solo se avesse rinunciato al nome “Macedonia”. Il problema stava nel fatto che il territorio nordoccidentale della Grecia è anch’esso conosciuto come Macedonia e il timore dei greci era ed è quello di evitare una possibile rivendicazione futura di questa sua area da parte del nuovo stato di Macedonia. La battaglia sul nome fra la Grecia e la Macedonia, che fu aspra e avvelenò parecchio i rapporti tra i due stati, richiese la mediazione delle Nazioni Uniti. Nel 1993, la nuova repubblica accettò come soluzione provvisoria il nome imposto dall’ONU e cioè FYROM che è l’acronimo della denominazione inglese di “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”.
La scelta del nome ha creato tensioni anche all’interno della FYROM. Infatti il gruppo etnico degli albanesi ritengono inadeguato il termine stesso di “Macedonia”, in quanto riferendosi solo all’etnia macedone non tiene conto del carattere multietnico del paese.
Quindi, anche in Europa si è molto consapevoli degli effetti devastanti che potrebbe innescare la scelta di nome sbagliato per uno stato multietnico.

2006-02-08T03:37:00.000-08:00

The danger of the message in the

cartoons
(Bilingual text: English- Italian)

I think that the moment has come to analyse the effects which Amin Amir’s cartoons (www.aminarts.com) namely the best and the more read cartoonist in the Horn of Africa, can produce. I haven’t got the chance to meet this precious artist and to compare notes with him. I imagine he is a very decent fellow, a serious and technically skilled man. I think his honesty is certainly out of question. But I also think that it is our responsibility to look out so that the actions of our brothers become efficacious.
After this clarification, I confess that I’m afraid that his cartoons (maybe for the lack of appropriate critics of his friends) are unconsciously helping the most violent individuals and clans rather than their victims. As I’m really convinced about the importance of his work for southern people, I don’t underestimate it, but try to analyse it attentively. It is sufficient to remember that Adolf Hitler, in the period of taking up of the power, became famous thanks to the cartoons of his enemies. The German dictator understood the enormous support he was receiving by cartoons, so much that in the 1933 and the 1938, he ordered to the person in charge of propaganda area of his party to collect and to publish satiric pamphlets with a high circulation (Hitler in der Karikatur der Welt). If you think about it, it’s disturbing. There is nothing amazing about this matter because, unlike the newspapers , all sort of people read the cartoons. And Hitler was aware of this.
We live in a world made not only of souls and commodities, but also of representation. Very often representations become culture, that is to say a life view. It would be irresponsible to leave out the effects that those cartoons have on Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle, Jareer and Somali people. My aim is to make available the instruments to decipher and let people reflect upon the involuntary message , in order to avoid that the cartoons cause serious damages to southern people, instead of obtaining a persuasive effect against the war led by the Somali gang.
If we “read” Amir’s cartoons attentively, we get more discriminating against southern people victims, rather than against the baldly Somalis’ colonisation attempt. In fact we can note that:

a) The main characters are exclusively Somali people (I mean individuals like Hawiye, Darood or Dir). Their supporters are always armed , fight even without legs and have always a ready answer. The chieftains are accurately drawn and are recognizable. They are often grey-haired, have pot belly, chubby cheeks and a funny mimicry. All in all, they appear to us inoffensive, good-natured and easy-going persons. Of course they are a bit quarrelsome and rough but on the whole ingenuous. And so cruelty has become a funny story. They are no longer those individuals who wipe the smile off poor people’s face. They are no longer the notorious individuals we have known for several years or those chieftains who hung around with wickedness and practised cruelty against disarmed people, old men, women and children. They are gangsters who killed innocent people and destroyed the economy and the financial resources of hundreds of thousands of Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Jareer families.

b) On the other side, in the cartoons, the Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Jareer are always shown as a mass of persons. It is impossible to recognize some individuality among them, nor by the physiognomy neither by the personal characteristics. Generally they are cowered on the ground. When walking these people have a thin and curled up body, their heads hunch forward and shoulders are hanging down. Their opposition is non-existent. It is a pathetic show with unacceptable submission messages.

I’m afraid those cartoons are producing a wrong picture of the Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle and Jareer, as gullible and devoid of initiative. It seems that all these people do not develop but they merely exist. Nevertheless, several southern people in the world are reacting individually or through organisations, web-site, by issuing interviews and by sending information to Chancellery of all over the world. Many of them are young people who fight with enthusiasm, even though they haven’t sufficient financial resources. Those people must be helped to make themselves stronger and they must be right when they are wrong. We must help to increase the self-esteem of the southern people and mobilize the Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle, and Jareer, in order to set them free as soon as possible from violence. Neglecting to mention the numerous achievements by this militants does not seem to me very generous. Therefore it is necessary to invert the operation of representation of the subject hitherto considered. It would be more suitable to draw this southern people as the main actors and to move the mob-chiefs and their followers in the background.
Rather than ignoring the participation to those realities, it would be more important to deepen this hitherto ignored aspect even through the cartoons.

Il pericolo del messaggio occulto delle vignette

Questo articolo l'ho preparato due mesi prima e affronta esclusivamente gli effetti dei cartoon nella vicende politiche dell "Somalia". Comunque rimango dell'avviso che le Sacre Scritture e i suoi protagonisti debbano sempre rimanere fuori da ogni forma di derisione e di caricatura.

Penso che sia arrivato il momento di analizzare gli effetti che possono causare i cartoon di Amin Amir che è il migliore e il più seguito vignettista del Corno d’Africa. Io non ho avuto il piacere di incontrare questo prezioso artista e di scambiare con calma le mie opinioni con lui. Mi immagino che sia una persona molto per bene, un uomo serio e un artista tecnicamente ben preparato. Penso che la sua onestà sia fuori discussione. Ma è anche compito di tutti noi vigilare affinché l’operato dei nostri fratelli sia efficace. Fatta questa premessa, confesso di temere che le sue vignette, inconsapevolmente (forse per mancanza di critiche adeguate da parte dei suoi amici), stiano aiutando gli individui e i clan più violenti anziché le loro vittime. Proprio perché sono convinto dell’importanza dei suoi lavori per la gente del sud, io non li sottovaluto e cerco di analizzarli attentamente. Basterebbe ricordare che all’epoca della conquista della presa del potere, Hitler divenne noto a molti tedeschi, attraverso le caricature dei suoi avversari. Il dittatore tedesco capì l’enorme aiuto che gli davano le vignette fino al punto che nel 1933 e nel 1938 ordinò al responsabile della Propaganda del suo partito di raccogliere e di pubblicare con grande tiratura le caricature fatte su di lui (Hitler in der Karikatur der Welt). Riflettendoci bene è davvero inquietante.
Non c’è nulla di cui meravigliarsi su questa vicenda perché le vignette, diversamente dagli articoli dei giornali, sono lette da ogni settore della popolazione.
Viviamo in un mondo fatto non solo di sentimenti e merci ma anche di rappresentazioni. Molto spesso le rappresentazioni diventano cultura, cioè un modo di vedere la vita. Sarebbe irresponsabile liquidare come privi di importanza gli effetti che queste vignette hanno sui banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle, Jareer e somali. E il mio obiettivo è quello di mettere a disposizione degli strumenti per decifrare e per fare una riflessione che eviti che le vignette producano risultati devianti a danno della gente del sud, invece di ottenere un effetto persuasivo contro la guerra condotta dalle bande somale.
Se “leggiamo” attentamente le vignette di Amir, vediamo venir fuori una visione discriminatoria contro le vittime del sud piuttosto invece che contro l’evidente tentativo di colonizzazione dei somali. Infatti possiamo notare che:

a) I protagonisti principali sono solo somali (con ciò intendo individui Hawiye, Darood o Dir). I loro seguaci hanno sempre l’arma in pugno, combattono anche senza gambe e hanno la battuta pronta. I capi banda sono disegnati con accuratezza e sono riconoscibili. Spesso hanno i capelli brizzolati, hanno la pancetta, le guance paffute e una mimica buffa. In altre parole ci appaiono persone bonarie, inoffensive e simpatiche. Certamente sono un po’ rissosi e turbolenti ma tutto sommato ingenui. Ecco che la crudeltà è diventata divertente ed essi non sono più quegli individui che tolgono il sorriso dalla faccia della povera gente. Non sono più quei famigerati individui che abbiamo conosciuto per tanti anni. Non sono più quei capibanda che hanno frequentato la malvagità e praticato la crudeltà su persone disarmate, su anziani, donne e bambini. Quelli sono gangster che non hanno esitato a uccidere gente innocente e a distruggere l’economia e le risorse finanziarie di centinaia di migliaia di famiglie Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle e Jareer.

b) Dall’altra parte, nelle vignette i Banaadiri, i Digil, i Mirifle e i Jareer sono mostrati come una moltitudine e non presentano individualità riconoscibili né dalla fisionomia né da caratteristiche personali. Spesso vengono ripetuti vecchi e non reali cliché in cui il banaadiri è descritto come pauroso. Nei disegni, generalmente tutta la gente del sud sono accasciati per terra. Quando camminano hanno il corpo incurvato, le spalle cadenti, la testa inclinata davanti. La loro opposizione alla violenza è inesistente. E’ uno spettacolo patetico che manda messaggi inaccettabili.

Temo che questi cartoon stiano creando una immagine dei Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle e Jareer, come se fossero ingenui e privi di iniziativa. Sembra che tutto questo popolo non progredisca, si limiti ad esistere. Sembra che la gente del sud non si sviluppi e si limiti ad esistere. Eppure molta gente del sud, in tutto il mondo, sta reagendo individualmente o attraverso organizzazioni, web-site, dando interviste ai media e inviando denunce scritte a tutte le cancellerie del mondo. Si tratta spesso di giovani che lottano con entusiasmo pur non avendo le risorse finanziarie sufficienti. Questa gente deve essere aiutata a rafforzarsi, devono essere corretti quando sbagliano. Noi dobbiamo aiutare la gente del sud ad aumentare la loro autostima e a mobilitarsi per liberarsi dalla violenza il più presto possibile. Trascurare questi i numerosi risultati raggiunti è ingeneroso. Anziché ignorare il contributo offerto da queste realtà, sarebbe molto più utile approfondire anche nelle vignette questo aspetto che fino ad ora è stato ignorato, in modo che possa accrescere la volontà dei Banaadiri, Digil, Mirifle e Jareer di liberarsi dalla violenza il più presto possibile. E’ assolutamente necessario invertire il meccanismo di rappresentazione dei soggetti che fino ad ora sono stati presi in considerazione. E’ davvero opportuno mettere in primo piano i protagonisti della gente del sud e spostare in secondo piano i capibanda e i loro seguaci.

nurhagi@gmail.com